The First Daltons in the New World - The American Colonies

Researched, complied and edited from historical sources; by Rodney G. Dalton.


It is known by history that the first Dalton that come to America was Philemon Dalton, who landed in 1635 and then a few years later his brother, Timothy Dalton. Below are their stories.

The father of these two brothers is a George Dalton from Dennington, Suffolk, England. No other information is available about who George Dalton's ancestors were.

Of note it is believed that the father of these two brothers is somehow connected to the Dalton's of Suffolk, in which the Chairman & Life President of the Dalton Genealogical Society, Michael Neale Dalton is a member.

In America the surname Dalton has been known from the earliest times of the colonies, and not only in New England, but in other parts of the country, especially in some of the southern provinces. These, however, were largely descendants of the English Daltons, of whom history has furnished the names of a good number; but the particular branch of the family proposed to be treated in this place appears to have sprung from sturdy Irish stock and first became known in American history during the period of the revolution, when Edward Dalton was one of the crew of the ship "Junius Brutus," in service as a privateer.

Philemon Dalton, linen-weaver, immigrated to America in the ship "Increase" in 1635, and settled in the plantation at Watertown; but there is no reason for the belief that he was in any way connected with the ancestors of Edward Dalton, who fought against the British during the struggle for American independence.

Watertown, first known as Saltonstall Plantation, was one of the earliest of the Massachusetts Bay settlements. It was begun early in 1630 by a group of settlers led by Sir Richard Saltonstall and the Rev. George Phillips and officially incorporated that same year.

The name of Watertown is said to have originated from the circumstance of its being a "well watered place," or, perhaps, from its being situated on a considerable fresh water river, and the communication with Boston being at first by water, in boats. The Indian name of the town was Pigsgusset. The territory thus called Watertown was. like most of the towns of that early period, very large, and its boundaries on the west side for a considerable time somewhat undefined. Waltham, Weston, and a part of Lincoln, were once comprehended within its limits. There are no means of ascertaining with precision the number of the first inhabitants, but it appears by the town records that in 1636 there were 108 townsmen. Probably the original number in 1630 was considerably less than this. The following list is copied from Watertown record book first, and were names of persons who shared in a division of lands at Beaver brook, "divided and lotted out by the Freemen to all the Townsmen then inhabiting, being 108 in number."



The Massachusetts Bay Colony:
The Massachusetts Bay Colony (sometimes called the Massachusetts Bay Company, for the institution that founded it) was an English settlement on the east coast of North America in the 17th century, in New England, centered around the present-day cities of Salem and Boston.

Plans for the first permanent European settlements on the east coast of North America began in 1606, when King James I of England formed two joint stock companies. The London Company covered a more southern territory and proceeded to establish the Jamestown Settlement. The Plymouth Company under the guidance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges covered the more northern area, including present-day New England, and established the Sagadahoc Colony in 1607 in present-day Maine. The experience proved exceptionally difficult for the 120 settlers, however, and the colonists abandoned the colony after only one year.

In November 1620, a group of separatist Pilgrims famously established Plymouth Colony. Although this settlement faced great hardships and earned few profits, it enjoyed a positive reputation in England and may have sown the seeds for further immigration. Edward Winslow and William Bradford published an account of their adventures in 1622, called Mourt's Relation. This book glossed over some of the difficulties and challenges carving a settlement out of the wilderness, but it may have been partly responsible for erasing the memory of the Sagadahoc Colony and encouraging further settlement.

In 1623, the Plymouth Council for New England (successor to the Plymouth Company) established a small fishing village at Cape Ann under the supervision of the Dorchester Company. This company was originally organized at the urging of the Puritan Rev. John White (1575–1648) of Dorchester, in the English county of Dorset. White has been called “the father of the Massachusetts Colony”, despite remaining in England his entire life, because of his influence in establishing this settlement. But the settlement was not profitable, and the financial backers of the Dorchester Company terminated their support by the end of 1625.

In 1626, a few settlers from the Cape Ann fishing village, including Roger Conant, did not abandon the area, but removed to establish a new town at the nearby Indian village of Naumkeag. Rev. John White helped this small band by going back to the Council for New England and obtaining a new land grant and fresh financial support. Dated 19 March 1627, this new patent was known as the Massachusetts Bay Company. This Company sent about one hundred new settlers and provisions in 1628 to join Conant, led by John Endecott, who became the governor of the fledgling settlement. The next year, 1629, Naumkeag was renamed Salem and fortified by another three hundred settlers, led by Rev. Francis Higginson, first minister of the settlement. Nevertheless, the colonists struggled against disease and starvation, and many died.

From their first arrival aboard the Mayflower in 1620 through 1629, only about 300 Puritans had survived in New England, scattered in several small and isolated settlements. In 1630, their population was significantly increased when the ship Mary and John arrived in New England carrying 140 passengers from the English West Country counties of Dorset, Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall. These included William Phelps along with Roger Ludlowe, John Mason, Rev. John Maverick, Nicholas Upsall, Henry Wolcott and other men who would become prominent in the founding of a new nation. It was the first of eleven ships later called the Winthrop Fleet to land in Massachusetts.

The early colony was made up of Puritans from England. People knew that creating a new colony out of the wilderness would be difficult. But political and religious events in England were driving many Puritans to flee England. They were angry because King Charles promised his wife, Henrietta Maria that she could practice the Roman Catholic religion, and raise their children practicing Catholicism. The Puritans hated this, because they had tried to purify the Church of England of all its Catholic remnants. Both King James I and his son Charles I attempted to suppress the Puritan movement.

Meanwhile, Archbishop William Laud, a favourite advisor of Charles, tried to eliminate the religious practices of Puritans in England. The imprisonment of many Puritans led them to believe religious reform would not be possible while Charles was King, and to seek a new life in the American colonies. The Reverend John White of Dorchester, England had worked hard to obtain a patent in 1628 for lands between the parallel that ran three miles south of the Charles River to three miles north of the Merrimack River, and all the way from the Atlantic to the Pacific – though they had no idea of the size of the land mass.

Concerned about the legality of conflicting land claims given to several companies including the New England Company to the still little-known territories of the New World, and because of the increasing number of Puritans that wanted to join the company, White sought a Royal Charter for the colony. Charles granted the new charter in March 1629, superseding the land grant and establishing a legal basis for the new English Colony. It was not apparent that Charles knew the Company was meant to support the Puritan emigration, and he was likely left to assume it was purely for business purposes, as was the custom. The charter omitted a significant clause – the location for the annual stockholders' meeting and election of their leaders. This allowed formation of the Cambridge Agreement later that year, which set the locus of government in New England. The Massachusetts Bay Colony became the only English chartered colony whose board of governors did not reside in England. This independence helped the settlers to maintain their Puritan religious practices with very little oversight by the King, Archbishop Laud, and the Anglican Church. The charter remained in force for 55 years, until as a result of colonial insubordination with trade, tariff and navigation laws, Charles II revoked it in 1684.

The first 400 settlers under this new charter departed in April 1629. Most, but not all of the members of the Company were Puritans, and events during the spring and summer of 1629 convinced them that many others would be attracted to such a colony.

The colony celebrated its first Thanksgiving Day on July 8, 1629. After this the colony continued to grow, aided by the Great Migration. Many ministers reacting to the newly repressive religious policies of England made the trip with their flocks. John Cotton, Roger Williams, Thomas Hooker, and others became leaders of Puritan congregations in Massachusetts.

The colony's charter was granted to the Massachusetts General Court the authority to elect officers and to make laws for the colony. Its first meeting in America was held October 1630, but was attended by only eight freemen. Soon after they created the First Church of Boston. The freemen voted to grant all legislative, executive, and judicial power to a "Council" of the Governor's assistants (those same eight men). They then set up town boundaries, created taxes, and elected officers. To quell unrest caused by this limited franchise, the eight then added 118 settlers to the court as freemen, but power remained with the council. The first murmurs against the system arose when a tax was imposed on the entire colony in 1632, but Winthrop was able to quiet fears.

In 1634, the issue of governance arose again, as deputies demanded to see the charter that had been kept hidden from them. They learned of the provisions that the general court should make all laws, and that all freemen should be members. The group demanded that the charter be enforced to the letter, but eventually reached a compromise with Governor Winthrop. They agreed to a General Court made up of two delegates elected by each town, the Governor's council of advisors, and the Governor himself. This Court was to have authority over "The raising up public stock" (taxes) and "what they should agree upon should bind all." What Winthrop did not expect was that what they would "bind" themselves to included the election of the governor, and Thomas Dudley was elected.

The first revolution was complete: a trading company had become a representative democracy. It is worthy of note that these men did not see any tension between the kind of theocracy they advocated and the type of democracy that was taking shape; to the contrary, they even held that the one required the other." Indeed, the first person to be executed in the colony was Margaret Jones, a female physician accused of being a "witch". A delusional Dorothy Talbye was hanged in 1638 for murdering her daughter, as at the time Massachusetts's common law made no distinction between insanity (or mental illness) and criminal behavior. John Winthrop wanted the puritan colony to be a "city upon a hill," or an example of their faith for other colonies to follow.

The “Increase”, which sailed from London in April, 1635, bound for New England. The ship arrived safe at Massachusetts Bay, although some of the persons listed below may not have debarked. The rolls represent persons who were ready to embark at the date of record, which often preceded the actual sailing by several weeks. Some may have decided not to sail. Some servants may have run away. And there usually was some loss of life among the passengers from disease and malnutrition during the passage.


George Dalton was born about 1535 in Ipswich, Suffolk, England. He died on 24 Feb 1614 - Dennington, Suffolk, England. His wife is reported to be a Phoebe.

Children are:

1. John Dalton; born about 1570 in Suffolk, England. He was buried on Feb. 23 1667 in Culford, Suffolk, England. He married Anne Cranmer, October 28, 1622, Culford, Suffolk, England.

2. Edmund Dalton; Born: About 1575

3. Timothy Dalton; Born: About1577, Died: 28 Dec 1661 - Hampton, NH. Spouse: Ruth Leete (About 1579-1666) Marr: 13 Sep 1615 - Gislingham, Suffolk, England

4. Philemon Dalton; Born: About 1590, Died: 4 Jun 1662 - Ipswich, MA. Spouse: Hannah Cole Marr: 11 Oct 1625 - Demington, Suffolk, England

5. Sarah Dalton; Born: About 1595, Died: About 1630 - England. Spouse: Richard Everard (About 1597-1682) Marr: 24 Sep 1623 - Woolverstone, Suffolk, England

Both Philemon and Timothy come to America.

Woolverstone, Suffolk, England

The article below is copied from the Annual Gathering of the DGS in Hampton NH, USA, October 2006.


The Family of George Dalton:
Rev. Timothy was the second child born to George Dalton who was born about 1535 and was buried in Dennington, Suffolk on 24 February 1613. George was most likely married before 1575 since his first child Edmund was born about that time. Rev. Timothy, born about 1577, was married on 13 September 1615 to Ruth Leete in Gislingham. Ruth was baptized in Little Eversden, Cambridgeshire on May 8, 1615. This family has been the subject of numerous DGS Journal articles. The Woolverstone registers record three children -Samuel about 1617, infant burial; Deborah born about 1619 and buried 1624; and Timothy, b. about 1622 and who accompanied his parents to America. Deborah has been mistakenly assumed to be the wife of Jasper Blake.

John, the third son of George (born between 1577 and 1590) married Ann Cranmer on 28 October 1622. He was married and buried in Culford, Suffolk. Burial date was 23 Feb 1668. There were at least six children born to this couple and at least three died young or prior to marriageable age. Three daughters may have survived- Rebecca baptized in 1623, Mary in 1624 and Anna in 1626.

Philemon Dalton, George's fourth son was born about 1590 and married Anne/Hannah Cole in Dennington, Suffolk on 11 October 1825. They had one child Samuel, born about 1729. All died in Hampton, NH.

Sarah Dalton was George's only daughter and was born about 1595. Sarah became the wife of Richard Everard and the marriage took place in Holbrook, Suffolk, 24 Sep 1623. This couple had at least five children according to the baptismal records at Woolverstone: Israell 1624; Timothie 1626; Marie 1627; Debora 1628; and John 1629. Thus it was Sarah Dalton's daughter, Debora Dalton Everard who logically would be the wife of Jasper Blake. No record of a marriage has been located so whether it took place in England or in Hampton, NH is still unknown.

George Dalton's Brothers:
The birthplace of the three Dalton brothers is unknown as is the date and place of birth of their father. Thomas and William are linked together in the Ely Episcopal records and dates of birth are estimated; 1537 for Thomas and 1540 for William. For the purpose of this item, our concern is with the descendents of George and Thomas.

Thomas Dalton married Eleanor Gelybrand about 20 years of age in Linton, Cambridgeshire, 5 October 1562. This couple had eleven children and the one of note was Michael Dalton, known as the country lawyer.

The Genealogical Link:
What has not been mentioned in previous writings is the likely relationship between Philemon and Rev. Timothy and Michael Dalton, lawyer. If George and Thomas were brothers as the data suggests, then the Hampton Daltons were first cousins to Michael Dalton.

The DGS has the opportunity at the Hampton Gathering of Daltons in October, to view the Coat of Arms used by descendents of the Hampton Daltons. It is one of two Dalton memorabilia that remains in the Dalton House at Newburyport. The Coat of Arms of Michael Dalton is described as a "silver lion rampant on an azure ground with crosslets". A match with that of the Hampton Daltons may be further evidence of the genealogical relationship.


Timothy Dalton:
Timothy Dalton was born about 1577 in Suffolk, England. He came to America about1677.

massbay.jpg image by maggie6138

The second minister of the town, as has already been stated, was Rev. Timothy Dalton, born in England about the year 1577, graduated at Cambridge in 1613, and subsequently, but at what time is uncertain--engaged in the work of the ministry in that country. He came to New England about the year 1637, being led hither, it is believed, by religious motives. On his arrival, he went first to Dedham, Mass., where he was made freeman Sept. 7, 1637, and probably removed to Hampton about a year and a half afterward, for we find that on the 7th of June, 1639, when the plantation was allowed to be a town, he was here as a freeman and also teacher of the church. His house lot was on the southerly side of the meeting-house green, only a few rods from the meeting-house, and this lot, having been afterward sold to the town, was ever after held and occupied as a parsonage till 1871.

Mr. Dalton must have been in good repute with the magistrates, for when about this time, there were disturbances at Dover, which, it was thought, required the interference of the civil power, he was commissioned, together with Mr. Simon Bradstreet, afterward Governor of Massachusetts, and Rev. Hugh Peters, then a minister of Salem, and subsequently a martyr to the cause of civil liberty, to go there and settle those difficulties; and, as Governor Winthrop remarks, "they brought matters to a peaceful end."

At the time of his settlement at Hampton, Mr. Dalton was more than sixty years old. The aged pastor who preceded him, was dismissed, after having shared with him the labors of the ministry for two or three years, and Mr. Dalton was then left alone for the space of about six years, during which time he labored faithfully among his people, "even beyond his ability or strength of nature." At length, through the infirmities of age, or by the failure of his health, he became unable longer to sustain all the cares and perform all the labors incident to the ministerial office in a new settlement, and the town undertook to provide an assistant. Two ministers were associated with him, in succession, the united period of whose labors covers nearly the whole time from the spring of 1647 till his death.

In the early part of his ministry, Mr. Dalton was not paid for his services by a stipulated salary, but he received from the town several grants of land, which were ultimately of considerable value. In 1639, as has been stated, he received 300 acres of land for a farm. This tract was in that part of the town, which is now Hampton Falls, at a place called Sagamore Hill, and embraced a considerable portion of the farms now owned and occupied by the sons of Reuben and Moses Batchelder. A farm, lying in the south part of the town, near Salisbury, was granted to Mr. Dalton's son, Timothy Dalton, Jr., who died soon after, when the farm came into his father's possession, and, on the 21st of January, 1652, was confirmed to him by a vote of the town. This act of the town, however, was based on the following condition: "that Mr. Dalton should free and discharge the town of Hampton from all debts and dues for his ministry till he had a set pay given him by the town." To this Mr. Dalton agreed, and a release was executed accordingly, five days after the confirmation of the last grant. In June, of the same year, this farm was sold to Isaac Perkins.

The records do not show how early Mr. Dalton began to receive a salary, though it appears to have been within a very few years after his settlement. Sometime previous to the first of May, 1645, John Moulton and Abraham Perkins had been appointed to gather up the teacher's rate. The time of their appointment is not recorded, by at the date just named, it appears that this rate was--some of it at least--still unpaid, and these persons were ordered to collect it by way of distress, within one month, or else forfeit 10s. apiece, to forthwith taken by the constable.

In 1647 the town agreed upon a method of raising money for the support of the ministry. Of every £40 to be raised, each master of a family and each single man, working for himself, or taking wages, should pay 5s., the remainder to be raised on all estates equally, according to their value, of whatever they might consist, except corn, which was to be rate-free.

From about this time--whatever might have been his salary before--Mr. Dalton was to receive £40 a year; but another minister having been soon after associated with him, who probably performed nearly al the ministerial labor, he, four years afterward, released the town from the payment of his salary from midsummer, 1647, to midsummer, 1651.

Mr. Dalton's ministry continued till the close of his life, and during the whole time of its continuance he retained the appellation of teacher, which was given him at the time of his settlement, while the three ministers, with whom he was at different times associated, were all styled pastors. He died December 28, 1661, aged eighty-four years. In recording his death, the town clerk styles him "a faithful and painful laborer in God's vineyard."

Mr. Dalton left no children. His wife, Ruth, outlived him several years. She died May 12, 1666, aged eighty-eight years.

Source of the below article is: The English Home of Mr. Timothy Dalton, B. A. - The Teacher of the Church of Jesus Christ In Hampton, N. H. From 1639 to 1661; by John Laurens Blake.



Tradition avers that the minister came to this country in company with his wife, Ruth, and their young son, Timothy. We believe that his sister, Deborah, was also one of the party. It may have been in 1636; but, more likely, in 1637. Dr. Cotton Mather includes "Mr. Timothy Dalton, of Hampston," in his catalogue of "near fifty divines, considerable in the churches of New-England"; placing him among those who "were in the actual exercise of their ministry when they left England, and were the instruments of bringing the gospel into this wilderness." He was first settled in Dedham, being admitted to freemanship on July 18, 1637, and becoming the thirteenth subscriber to the town covenants. The local records show caution on the part of the "ins" when they received him: "Upon some agitacion concrneing Mr. Daltons Joyneing wth us, It is consented unto, upon ye manifestacion of his Resolucion to sit downe wth us in a Civill4 condicion wthout further expectacions, provided yt he bringeth a crtifficate from yeMagestrats. . . . Mr. Timothy Dalton & John Morse produceing crtifficates from ye Magetrats, subscribed unto our covenants accordingly."

In other words, Mr. Dalton, a clergyman who had been harried out of England because of his inconformity, might remain in the colony as a layman, if he would; but it must be "wthout further expectacions" of a pulpit and congregation.

We shall imagine his surprise. In the old home he had been "a great stickler for ye transporting of those people that should goe over unto Newe England." That was indeed the beginning of his dispute with the government. Now, upon the threshold of the New World and a new life, he finds himself in quarantine. He may not even stay in the colony permanently without the approval of the magistrates, nor obtain the privileges of full citizenship anywhere therein, without the consent of the freemen of that plantation in which he shall desire to "sit downe." Massachusetts Bay was a close corporation. As the freemen were always churchmen, and, having the exclusive right of suffrage, elected the magistrates, it is evident that such questions of residence and membership were practically decided by the church. Captain Johnson stated the case frankly when he said: "The Souldiers of Christ in N. E. . . . are resolved (the Lord willing) to keepe the government our God hath given us . . . Our Magistrates, being conscious of ruling for Christ, dare not admit of any bastardly brood to be nurst up upon their tender knees, neither will any Christian of a sound judgement vote for any but such as earnestly contend for the Faith."

With equal candor, Governor Winthrop wrote, on another occasion, that the new church was "well furnished already with able Ministers, whose spirits they knew"; and why should they run the risk of "calling in one whose spirit they knew not"? Mr. Dalton's ill-luck in this matter was the more remarkable because his brother was one of the charter members of the new town, all of whom must have realized that "their chief poverty was poverty of men." But the colony was engaged in a frenzied struggle with the so-called "Antinomians," under the leadership of Mr. Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinson; and prudent citizens were timid about any increase of the clerical party in their midst. A Geneva cloak and band meant a possible vote for the heresy.

This year (1637) was truly a busy one for the Saints in and about Boston. For fighting among themselves, they prepared by frequent fasting, humiliation, and prayer. Mr. Wheelwright had been "disfranchised and banished." All was made ready for the final attack upon Mrs. Hutchinson. The Synod of September 1637, denounced no less than eighty-two "opinions — some blasphemous, others erroneous, and all unsafe"; besides nine "unwholesome expressions." This was called "magnifying the grace of God"; and John Cotton, "the father and glory of Boston," courteously sent word to the brethren in England that "if there be any there that would strive for grace, they should come hither." Who shall blame William Blaxton, of Boston Neck, for refusing to be "under the lords-brethren"?

It has not been disclosed what part, if any, Timothy Dalton took in these controversies. While "in a Civill condicion," he could have had no minister's seat in a church council. Nor is there any record of the removal of such disability. Yet it is obvious that the terms of his settlement in Hampton must have been previously arranged. So soon as he reached the new home — and he was certainly there on or before June 7, 1639 — he was elected to be the teacher of its church. Of the "considerable number" of settlers who accompanied him thither, it is not unlikely that some had been "his countrymen and acquaintance in old England. Generous grants from the town lands were promptly made to both himself and his son. Stephen Bachilor was already installed as pastor of the society. There is a doubt as to the precise character of these twin officers — pastor and teacher — in the primitive Congregational system. Perhaps they had their origin in the passage: "And he gave some, apostles; and some, prophets; and some, evangelists; and some, pastors and teachers." It was said at the time that in theory "the difference between them lyes in this: that the teacher is principally to attend upon points of Knowledge and Doctrine, though not without Application; and the [pastor] to points of Practice, though not without Doctrine; . . . as Experience also showeth that one man's gift is more doctrinall and for points of Knowledge, and another's more exhortatory and for points of Practice." Although their prescribed duties were unlike, yet, as was desired from time to time, each minister assumed the special work of the other, without objection on the part of the people. But New Englanders were too thrifty to continue, beyond the first generation, this extravagance of paying two men for one man's labor.

Little is known of Mr. Dalton's life in Hampton. None of his sermons have been preserved. It was then the custom to preach without notes. He was acceptable to the elders and magistrates in Boston. If he sympathized with Wheelwright — and he did — he was so discreet as to avoid rebuke from headquarters. Governor Winthrop upheld him in the contention with Bachiler. He took a prominent part in civil affairs. On one occasion he was sent, in company with Simon Bradstreet and Hugh Peters, to quell disturbances in Dover. That he was loved by his congregation is manifest. When they drove out Bachiler they were willing to have Dalton occupy the vacant place for five or six years, and until his infirmities compelled him to resign it. During the whole time, however, he retained his original office of teacher; and he continued therein after the coming of a new pastor, and until his own death in 1661, at the alleged age of about 84 years.

All his contemporaries except Mr. Bachiler, speak of the beauty of his private life in that humble country village. Captain Johnson pictures him as "the reverend, grave and gracious Mr. Doulton," and thereupon bursts into song:



Our earliest information of Timothy Dalton, in England, is derived from the books of St. John's College, Cambridge. It is there recorded that he matriculated as a student of the college in 1610; and that three years later he was graduated with the regular degree of Bachelor of Arts. If his age at the time of his decease was stated correctly by the town-clerk of Hampton, he must have been over thirty years old when he entered the university. He may, or he may not, have been born in the vicinity. It is at least probable that he came of Puritan stock; for it is certain that Puritanism was then rampant in eastern and southeastern England, and that its headquarters were at Cambridge. The inference is obvious, and yet it can be nothing more than an inference. As to his previous occupation, we remark that his brother was a linen-weaver, and that the business of hand-loom weaving was then usually carried on in the cottages of the workmen, all the males of a family being engaged therein. Hence it may be surmised that Timothy was also a linen-weaver, and that he practiced the art until he had determined to obtain an education for the purpose of entering the ministry.

Robert F. Scott, Esq., the senior bursar of St. John's, writes to us that "Mr. Dalton matriculated as a sizar of this college on September 17, 1610. Unfortunately for you, the Register of Admissions does not begin until January 1629-30; and so we have no account of his family or previous residence. I have looked in Calamy's work, of which we have in our library a copy, with MS. notes by Thomas Baker, the historian; but there is no mention of your Mr. Dalton."

The humble position of Mr. Dalton's family is apparent from the circumstance of his being a sizar3 in college; that is to say, a charity student, rendering menial service in payment for his room board and tuition. There was nothing singular or disgraceful about him. Many men of subsequent distinction obtained their education in the same way. Thomas Hooker, the first pastor of the church at Hartford, Co., was matriculated as a sizar at Queen's College, Camb., in 1603-04, although he afterward became a fellow in another college, from which he was graduated. The great divine Jeremy Taylor was a sizar of Casius, Camb., in 1626; and Sir Isaac Newton held the still lower grade of "sub-sizar" at Trinity, Camb., in 1661. It is supposed that the sub-sizars of Cambridge were somewhat like the "servitors" of Oxford, who wore a distinctive dress as a badge of their inferiority. Oliver Goldsmith was a sizar at Trinity College, Dublin, where, according to Lord Macauley, "the sizars swept the courts; they carried the dinner up to the fellows' table, and changed the plates, and poured out the ale for the ruler of the society."

At that time (1610-13), the University of Cambridge was noted for its Puritanism. The "accord" set by Sir Walter Mildmay in the foundation of Emanuel College, had become a forest.4 All the influences to which the undergraduates were exposed, in their several schools and halls, were in favor of the religio purissima.

It is well explained by Prof. Williston Walker that "so far as a geographical division of England between two parties [Anglican and Reform] may be made, the South and East, especially the vicinity of London and the counties along the North Sea from the Thames to the Humber, may be said to have favored Puritanism. This was the region which had most welcomed Wicklif and his laborers, and where the Reformation had found most ready lodgment at its beginning. It was the region, also, from which the strength of the opposition to the tyranny of the Stuarts was to come, and where no small share of the future settlers of New England had their homes. It was no accident, therefore, that made the more eastern of the two universities -- that of Cambridge -- the home of Puritanism almost from the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, and the training-school not only of the most strenuous Protestantism of the home-land, but also of most of the early New England divines." The so-called "Cambridge Agreement", in August, 1629, "to pass the Seas (under God's protection) to inhabit and continue in New England," was probably drawn up and signed within the precincts of the university. That compact was really the inauguration of Massachusetts Bay.

Professor John Fiske reminds us that "while every one of the forty colonies of England was represented in the great Puritan exodus, the East-Anglian counties contributed to it far more than all the rest. Perhaps it would not be out of the way to say that two thirds of the American people who can trace their ancestry to New England might follow it back to East Anglia. . . . The native of Connecticut or Massachusetts who wanders about rural England today finds no part of it so homelike as the cozy villages and smiling fields and quaint market towns as he fares, leisurely and in not too straight a line, from Ipswich toward Hull. Countless little unobtrusive features remind him of home. The very names on the sign-boards over the sleepy shops have an unwontedly familiar look. . . . Hard by, in the little parish church which has stood for perhaps a thousand years, plain enough and bleak enough to suit the taste of the sternest Puritan, he may read upon the cold pavement his own name and the names of his [over-sea] friends and neighbors in startling proximity." In the same line of inquiry, Mr. William B. Weeden adds: "This distinctively English stock, bred from the purest strains of German and Scandinavian blood crossed, brought forth the New Englander." Mr. Walter White also contributes this pertinent fact: "Besides the traces of Danes and Dutchmen along the eastern shore, a traveler of ready ear will discover many of the words used by New Englanders, and which are not, as is commonly supposed, of Yankee invention."

One of Archbishop Laud's recent biographers declares, truly enough, that in the Laudian period the see of Norwich "was the most difficult to govern in all England"; but we cannot agree with him when he insinuates that this was due chiefly to commercial reasons. No; the inconformity of Norfolk and Suffolk was a matter of conscience, rather than of buying and selling or moneymaking. It was based upon Tradition as well as upon an up-to-date experience. Foxe, the martyrologist, said that "the Suffolke men are always verie forward in promoting the proceedings of the Gospell." The children did not forget their fathers' sufferings,1 or the indignities to which their own ministers had submitted in the ecclesiastical courts, or their personal wrongs under the Conventical Act of 1593. Concisely stated by Dr. John Brown, "it was easier to stretch men by the neck, and to burn their books, than to suppress their opinions."

Do we wonder that under such conditions Timothy Dalton, a graduate of Cambridge and a parish priest in Suffolk, was numbered among the early discontents, or that in the end he sought a resting-place for himself and his family in the wilds of New Hampshire?



Mr. Dalton was graduated from college in 1613, and was ordained a priest and licensed to preach in the diocese of Norwich in June, 1614. No severe course of theological study was imposed at that time upon candidates for the ministry. Those were the golden days of "preaching tailors and weavers." In March, 1615, the new clerk was inducted into the tempting rectory of Woolverstone, in Suffolk, of the same bishopric.

After Queen Elizabeth had been sumptuously entertained in East Anglia, during one of her royal excursions, she said: "Now I understand the saying, 'The Wise Men came from the East.' " The good Bishop Hall. Pf Norwich, was always glad to remember his first curacy in "the sweet and civil county of Suffolk." The common phrase "Silly Suffolk" was actually a compliment; for "the English word silly is derived from the German selig, which means 'holy' or 'blessed,' and it was applied to Suffolk on account of the number of beautiful churches it contains." Dr. Thomas Fuller says: "The Air thereof generally is sweet, and by the best Physicians esteemed the best in England, often prescribing the receipt thereof to the consumptionish Patients." Our modern Suckling has added: he climate is healthy, though the Winters are cold, and the winds of Spring sharp and piercing." Mr. Dalton's long residence on the bleak Suffolk coast had fitted him for the wild storms and "horrid snows" and mighty frosts of the Hampton ocean-front.

We are assured that the original record of Mr. Dalton's ordination has been lost; so that first in order we have the following account of his institution. For it we are indebted to Bishop John Jegon's private register:

"Martig 8o 1615

" C. Suff:         Timotheus Dalton clics in artibus

R : Wolfreston.           Bacch sup pntacone Arthuri wool-

Dec: Samford  rich oatroni inde, Institut est ad

Eam vacan p mortem, vitimi Incu.

Et subscript &c., et mandate est

Arching, &c."

Which, being interpreted, reads thus:

"March 8, 1615.

"County of Suffolk.    Timothy Dalton, clerk, Bachelor

Rectory of Wolverene.            of Arts, upon the presentation

Deanery of Samford.   of Arthur Woolrich, the patron

thereof, is instituted to the

same, vacant through the death

of the last incumbent; and he

Subscribed, etc., and a mandate

Is sent to the Archdeacon, etc."

There is another account of the institution, to be found in the official Institution Books of the diocese.

We copy the same, because it is in one particular a little more complete than the first:

"Martij 8o 1615

"Wulverston. Timotheus Dalton clic in artibus bacch.

sup pntacone Arthuri Woolrich Patroni

inde Institut' est eunde vacan p mortem

vltimi Incum. Et subscripsit & jurauit,

&c., et mandat. Est Archino, &c."

The added words: "& jurauit" mean that the new rector was sworn to keep and perform "the Three Articles." Now it is somewhat remarkable that there is so much uncertainty as the precise character of these famous articles. Several versions of them have been given. King James drew up a special code of his own, which he called his "darling Articles," and which are known to hiostorians as "the five Articles of Perth.: They worried the Scottish Church from 1616 to 1638, when King Charles wisely abandoned them. We believe that they were never offered in England, and that "the Three Articles" which Mr. Dalton subscribed were the same that were introduced by Archbishop Whitgift, in 1583, after the creation of the High Commission. He ordained as follows:

"That none be permitted to preach, read, catechize, minister the Sacrements, or execute any other ecclesiastical function, by what authority soever he be admitted thereto, unless he consent and sub-subscribe to these Articles following, before the ordinary of the diocese wherein he preacheth, readith, catachizeth, or ministereth the Sacraments, viz:

"I. That Her Majesty, under God. Hath and ought to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons, born with her realms, dominions and countries, of what estate, either ecclesiastical or temporal, soever they be; and that no foreign power, prelate, estate or potentate, hath or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence or authority, ecclesiastical or temporal, within Her Majesty's said realms, dominions and countries.

"II. That the Book of Common Prayer, and of Ordering Bishops, Priests and Deacons, conatineth nothing in it contrary to the Word of God; and that the same may lawfully be used; and that he himself will use the form of the said Book prescribed in public prayer and administration of the Sacrements, and none other.

"III. That he alloweth the Book of Articles of Religion, agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops of both provinces, and the whole Clergy, in the Convocation holden at London, in the year of our Lord God 1562, and set forth by [Her] Majesty's authority; and that he believeth all the Articles therein contained to be agreeable to the Word of God."

This order of the archbishop was resisted. In 1584 sixty-four ministers in Norfolk and sixty in Suffold were suspended for "not coming under the yoke of Subscription." There were "settled" ministers. It was easier to enforce the rule when a candidate was about to be ordained or inducted into a parish; for the gates remained shut against all those who then refused compliance. John Milton explained how he was "Church-outed by the prelates," by saying that he "thought is better to prefer a blameless silence before the sacred order of speaking, bought and begun with servitude and forswearing."

The next official record relating to Mr. Dalton, includes both his ordination and his institution. We owe this to the registrar's practice of examining the papers of every beneficed clergyman, at the time of every Episcopal visitation. If such documents proved to be correct, an abstract of their contents was consigned to the "Consignation Books" of the see. Thus it happened, that when Bishop Samuel Harsnet went to Woolverstone in the spring of 1627, his registrar inspected and approved of Mr. Dalton's credentials, and then made the following memorandum of same:

"Samford in Ecclea pochi btæ Mariæ ad

Turrim in Gipwico

"26o April 1627.

"Woluerston.   Mr Timotheus Dalton art. Nacch. Rect.

Ordinat' presbr p Johem Epum Norv.

19o Junij 1614,

Institut' p eundem 8o Martij 1615.

Presentat' p Arthurum Wolrich ar. Ver.

Et indubitat patron.

Lic. Ad pr dic. P totam dioc. P eundem

19o Junij 1614."

Of which, the following is a translation:

"[Deanery of] Sanford, in the Parish

Church of Mt. Mary at the Tower, in

Ipswich, April 26, 1627.

"Woluerston.   Mr. Timothy Dalton, Bachelor of Arts,

Rector of Woolverstone, was ordained

A priest by John [Jegon], Bishop of

Norwich, June 19, 1614. He was in- stituted [rector] by the same [prelate]

March 8, 1615; being presented by

Arthur Woolrich, Esquire, the true

and undoubted patron.

He was licensed to preach through the

Whole diocese by the same [prelate],

June 19, 1614."

Mr. Woolrich was a gentleman of Suffolk. At the time of presentation he was the trustee of Philip Cateline, of Woolverstone Hall, gent., during his minority, and in this matter was acting on his behalf.1 We do not know why Dalton was selected for the vacant place. A valued correspondent informs us that the "Composition Book" of the diocese for the year of Dalton's institution (1615), is not in existence, and adds: "That book would show how the new rector compounded for his first fruits; and such compositions, being in that shape of money bonds, frequently help the genealogist to ascertain the kinsmen or former neighbors of the principal obligator, and thereby to locate him in his native parish."



It was on November 26, 1635, that the judgment of the High Commission in Samuel Ward's case was pronounced. During the same year (1635) there were a thousand other complaints pending in the same court but it was not until 1636 -- indeed, not until 1937 -- that the troubles of the English Puritans reached high-water mark.

The number of vacant churches and deserted homesteads was then increasing. Peter Heylin wrote: "It was no hard matter for these Ministers and Lecturers to persuade [their congregations] to remove their dwellings and transport their trades. 'The Sun of Heaven,' say they, 'doth shine as comfortably in other places; the Sun of righteousness much brighter! Better to go and dwell in Goshen, find it where we can, than tarry in the midst of such an Egyptian darkness as is known falling on this land.' " The great Puritan exodus began and ended with the Parliamentary interval (1629-40), during which King Charles, declining the aid of the legislature, governed "by the use of these means which God had put into his hands." More than twenty thousand souls were then added to the population of the New country, which was thereafter well able to take care of itself, "while Puritan England found employment at home for all its surplus energies and enthusiasm." After 1640 many of the earlier emigrants returned to their native land, either tired of "the New England way", or wishing to take part in the actual hand-to-hand conflict between King and Commons. It has been calculated, that for the last sixty years of the century the two opposing currents of travel-westward and eastward- were very nearly balanced.

We believe that previous to his suspension Timothy Dalton had had no purpose of leaving England. With Samuel Ward he had worked for the success of the colonial experiment, and, like Ward, he was himself willing to wait for the change in affairs which, to the keen eyes of the Puritan managers, was near at hand. When before the High Commission, Ward had "commended such as stayed in their native country and mother church, which he thought and said to be the most flourishing national kingdom and church in the world; not knowing what God would incline and enable himself to do, in case of trial, if any should happen." We have none of Dalton's utterances upon the subject; but it is significant that, before he was suspended, he had built the little cottage that was afterward a resting-place for his family until they started for the colony.

Beyond the simple fact that this use of the "small houses," nothing whatever is known of Mr. Dalton's "Last Days in England." We cannot decide when he went away, nor where. We have the date -March 29, 1636-of his last marriage at Woolverstone. He was certainly silenced during the AApril visitation of the diocese. On the 10th of May the Episcopal memorandum of his desertion was made. All that should be said is that he disappeared between March 29th and May 10th. Did he then become "a Rotterdam Rogue" Perhaps he "Lurk'd in Corners" of his own shire. Or is it possible that he was hidden in some one of the many stately Puritan homes, in some remote quarter of the kingdom. As we suggested on a previous page, the authorities found a way of communicating with him, so as to obtain his written resignation. After that we do not hear from him again until the midsummer of 1637, when he was made a freeman of Dedham in the wilderness.

Everything points to the spring of that year as the time of his westward voyage. The ministerial tide was then setting strongly in that direction. We identify Masters John Allin, Edmund Brown, Thomas Cobbett, John Davenport, Samuel Eaton, John Fiske, John Harvard, Herorge Moxon, Oeter Prudden, and William Thompson among the Boston arrivals of the season. Several of them landed in June. All were notable men, of the very best who came to New England. The mystery in Dalton's case was probably owing to an order of the Privy Council, "to suffer no Clergyman to transport himself to the Plantations without a testimonial from the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London."

It could not have been east to obtain such a certificate for Mr. Dalton. The Archbishop had been warned against him by Commissary Dade as early as February, 1633-34, and Bishop Wren had reported the subsequent desertion of his cure. The commissioners in the various seaports were specially instructed to be vigilant. Hence we must conjecture that Mr. Dalton escaped under a disguise, as so many other clergymen had already done.

When he had crossed the ocean he "burned his ships." Here was nothing left to connect him with his former life, except three tiny graves in the Woolverstone churchyard. With the younger Winthrop, he was ready to say: "I shall call that my country where I may most glorify God, and enjoy the presence of my dearest friends."



Here we leave Timothy Dalton. Our picture of him in his English Home is incomplete and unsatisfactory, but it may be useful to them who shall come after us.

Of obscure birth, and wanting in social advantages-aye, a charity student-he made his was through college and gained his degree by sheer merit. After his graduation he was ordained to the priesthood and licensed to preach in the diocese of Norwich. That he was then in earnest is shown by his maturity of years. Being presented to a small rectory in a retired village, he labored there quietly for two decades. There children were born unto him. So far as can be now ascertained, he was faithful in every parochial duty. It is true that he was a Puritan in the trying days when the word was a synonym for personal sacrifice and humiliation.1 He seems, however to have been cautious in the beginning. It was by a prominent official of the diocese that he was described, in 1633-34, as being "honest" in all things save one, and that exception was not to his discredit, whether as man or priest.

That he was also modest and humble of heart is shown by the omission of his name in the Wren impeachment papers. He had been content with "the lower seat" in the Puritan councils. Naturally gentle and timid, he could on occasion-as in the Hampton church quarrel-be bold and strong. If he deserted his Suffolk cure and fled the country in a way which to us seems undignified, perhaps unmanly, he had before him the examples of John Cotton, Thomas Hooker, and others of equal reputation. Many of his neighbors submitted and were absolved; but this upright clerk refused to buy peace by a falsehood. He was no Parson Two-tongues; nor any Waterman By-ends, "looking one way, and rowing another." The offer by him of a home to poor little Dorcas Humphrey when she was in disgrace, reveals the tenderness of a woman and a man's gratitude.

He may not have had great learning, but he did have the more valuable gifts of tact and good sends and warm sympathies. John Winthrop, Samuel Ward, and John Humphrey wee among his friends. He was always in touch with his congregation. The twenty-two years' service in the Hampton meeting house proves his ability to cope with those knotty "points of Knowledge and Doctrine" which wrecked so many able divines in the age of controversial theology. In Woolverstone his whilom parishioners have certifies that he was "a godly quiet & painful preacher, who was blameless in his life & doctrine" At Hampton his people caused it to be entered in the town-books after his death that he had been "a faithful and painful labourer in God's vineyard." As one of the lineal descendants of his sister, Deborah Blake, we are proud of her connection with the unhappy Puritan minister of Woolverstone.



She came, with her husband and son, to Hampton in 1639; and there she died, in May, 1666, at the age of eighty-eight years. We have looked, without success, for her previous record in England.  A few hints concerning her "own people" are to be drawn from the legal documents by which she disposed of her estate after her husband's death; and for these hints we are indebted to the industry and shrewdness of Mr. William H. Whitmore.

In the first place, she made a conveyance, by deed, of the larger portion of her real and personal property unto Nathaniel Bacheller [Bachiler], her therein so-called "constituted heir"; but it was in the nature of a trust for the benefit of himself and certain other designated parties after her decease. This deed bears date of March 22, 1663-64. It was followed, on December 8, 1665, by her last will and testament, whereof the same Nathaniel Bacheller, now called her "cosen," was made the executor. Our reader will identify him as one of the three men to whom, in 1657, the minister had given the Hampton farm. The will seems to have been intended as a kind of codicil to the deed. In fact, the two papers were afterward treated as a single document. Mr. Bacheller acted and was described as the executor of both; and of some of the pecuniary gifts in the deed were paid over and receipted for as "legeisies" from "ant Dalton."

The deed contains four distinct classes of beneficiaries, to wit: 1st, Deborah Smith, the wife of John Smith, Senior; 2d, Elizabeth Merrie [Merry], Phebe Arnall [Arnold], Joseph and George Parkers [Packes, Parkis, or Parkhurst], and Mary Carter; 3d, Timothy, Benjamin, and Elizabeth Hilliard; and 4th, Abigail Ambrose, Mary Fifield, Walter Roper, and Hannah Willix. The will provides for "cosen" Deborah Bacheller, the wife of the said executor and trustee; and for John Smith, Junior, and Timothy Dalton, the son of "cosen Samuel Dalton."

Mr. Whitmore assumes that Ruth Dalton was the sister (or possibly the sister-in-law) of George Parkhurst, Senior, of Watertown, Mass. In that case, Deborah Smith, Elizabeth Merry, Phebe Arnold, Joseph Parkhurst, George Parkhurst, and Mary Carter, who are known to have been his children, were, respectively, the nephews and nieces of Mrs. Dalton; while Deborah Bacheller and John Smith, Junior, the children of Deborah Smith, were, respectively, Mrs. Dalton's grandniece and grandnephew. Her use of the word "cosen" in describing both Bacheller and his wife was therefore appropriate, in the same manner as when she applied it to "cosen [nephew] Samuel Dalton."

It is established that Emanuel Hilliard, to whom the minister gave the equal one third part of the Hampton farm, was the first husband of Elizabeth Merry; and we agree with Mr. Whitmore in saying that the latter was probably one of Mrs. Dalton's nieces. Hence, the minister was justified in calling Emanuel "my loving kinsman." It is also true that Timothy, Benjamin, and Elizabeth Hilliard were the children of Elizabeth Merry by her first husband, and so were the grandnephews and grandniece of Mrs. Dalton. With reference to the beneficiaries of the fourth class, it is suggested that they may have been friends of the testatrix, or even relatives of a remote degree.

Hoping to follow Ruth Dalton to her first home in England, we have made many inquiries for her among our domestic Parkhursts. No one whom we consulted had any previous knowledge of the Dalton connection, nor was any able to point out the origin of his own family back of the Watertown immigrant.

The first Dalton in America; Philemon Dalton
Philemon Dalton, who was one of the founders of Dedham, Mass., and subsequently one of the original proprietors of Hampton, N. H. Philemon Dalton came to this country in 1635, his brother, Rev. Timothy Dalton, following him in 1637 from Suffolk County, England, where in Woolverstone, on the river Orwall, near Ipswich, Rev. Mr. Dalton had been minister until under the arbitrary rule of Archbishop Laud he was deprived of his living in 1636. He was a graduate of St. John's College, Cambridge, England, and on the incorporation of the town of Hampton, 1639, became the first "Teacher" of the church there, continuing in this office till his death, 1661, at the age of eighty-four years. His wife Ruth died in 1666. By their wills the greater part of their property was given to the church at Hampton, and is the basis of ministerial support to this day. Philemon was made surveyor of the new town, and continued active in its affairs until his death in 1662. His widow married second, Godfrey Dearborn, the progenitor of all of that name in this country

(I) Philemon Dalton was born in England about 1590, and was a brother of Rev. Timothy Dalton, who was born in England in 1577. Timothy first settled in Dedham, Massachusetts, about 1637, and probably removed to Hampton, New Hampshire, about two years later. Philemon settled in Hampton, where he was fatally injured by the fall of a tree, and died June 4, 1662. His widow, Dorothy, born about 1600, married (second), Godfrey Dearborn. One child was born of Philemon and Dorothy. His name was Samuel, and his sketch follows.

(II) Samuel, only child of Philemon and Dorothy Dalton, was born about 1629, and died August 22, 1681. He was called upon while quite a young man to fill offices of trust; and he served as Clerk of the town of Hampton for thirty years, nearly all the deeds, wills, and civic records being in his handwriting.

He represented Hampton in the General Court in 1662, 1664, 1666, 1669, 1671, 1673, and 1679. He was in 1665 elected Associate judge of the courts of Norfolk and Treasurer of the county, which offices he held until 1680, when New Hampshire formed a separate government. As soon as the new order was established, so high was the esteem in which Mr. Samuel Dalton was held that he was elected a member of the first council held by the State under President Cutt, an office he held until his death.

He married Mehitable, daughter of Henry Palmer, of Haverhill, Massachusetts, who married (second), November 26, 1683, Rev. Zachariah Symmes, of Bradford, Massachusetts. The fourteen children of Samuel and Mehitable were: Hannah, Samuel, Mehitable, Elizabeth, Timothy, Philemon, John, Caleb, Abiah, child unnamed, Joseph, Abigail, Mary and Dorothy.

(III) Deacon Philemon, sixth child and third son of Samuel and Mehitable (Palmer) Dalton, was born December 15, 1664, and married September 25, 1690, Abigail, daughter of Edward Gove. Their ten children were: Hannah, Timothy. Samuel, Philemon, Abigail, John, Sarah, Jeremiah, Michael and Mehitable.

At a church meeting in January, 1711, Samuel Dow and Philemon Dalton were chosen deacons, to be added to the two in office before. At this time was made the first provision on record for meeting the expenses of the communion. It was voted, that for providing for the Lord's Supper, every communicant should then pay one shilling, and the same stun annually for the future.

Here Lyes ye Body of Deacon Philemon Dalton Who Died April ye 5th 1721 Aged 57 Years

Here Lyes Buried the Body of Mrs. Abigail Prescott Formerly Consort of Deacon Philemon Dalton, of This Town. She Died May ye 8th 1751. In The 82d Year of Her Age. "The memory of the just is blessed, and blessed are they that have not, seen and yet have Believed."

(IV) Samuel, third child and second son of Deacon Philemon and Abigail (Gove) Dalton, was born July 22, 1694, and married, April 28, 1720, Mary Leavitt. They had ten children, namely : Mary, Benjamin, Anna (died young), Samuel, Mary, Philemon, Anna, Moses, Jeremiah and Elizabeth.

(V) Benjamin, second child and oldest son of Samuel and Mary (Leavitt) Dalton, was born May 9, 1722, and married Mary, daughter of Captain Mimowell May, of Little Harbor. Their children were : Michael. Mary and Sarah.

(VI) Michael, son of Benjamin and Mary (May) Dalton, was born November 13, 1753, and died October 6, 1846, aged ninety-three years. The name of Michael Dalton is on the "Return of what remains of Captain Joseph Parsons Company," dated New Castle, November 6, 1775, also on the "Muster Roll for seventy-four men including officers enlisted by Colonel Whipple by order of the General Court for the State of New Hampshire into the service of the American States to reinforce the army at New York, mustered and paid off by Joshua Wentworth (first regiment) September, 1776," where he is credited with advance wages and bounty six pounds, travel two pounds, ten shillings; total eight pounds, ten shillings. He signed this payroll "Mikel Dalton;" most of the signers signed with an X. He was a fifer. His name is on the list of Captain Joseph Parson's company, in the bureau of pensions, Washington, District of Columbia. Michael Dalton married Mercy Philbrick, who died November 19, 1846. They had four children: Benjamin B., Abigail, Daniel P. and Mary.

(VII) Daniel Philbrick, third child and second son of Michael and Mercy (Philbrick) Dalton, was born in Rye, in 1785, and died at Rye Beach, September 13, 1842, aged fifty-seven. He married, October 2, 1809, Patty Brown, who died July 8, 1854, aged sixty-eight. They had five children: Joseph Brown, Michael, Daniel. Louisa and Elvira.

(VIII) Joseph Brown, eldest child of Daniel P. and Martha (Brown) Dalton, was born at Rye Beach, in 1809, and died at Allenstown, April 18,1883, aged seventy-three years. He was a prosperous farmer, respected citizen, member of the Baptist Church. He was a Democrat and served as selectman of Rye. In 1865 he moved to Pembroke, and later to Allenstown, where he resided the remainder of his life. He married (first), in Rye, March 14, 1833, Hannah Brown, who was born at Rye, May 39, 1815, and died at Rye Beach, October 10, 1850, three days after the birth of her youngest child. She was a daughter of Jonathan and Hannah (Drake) Brown. He married (second) Abigail Brown, who was born in Epsom, June 6, 1816, and died in Epsom, December 23, 1898, aged eighty-two years. She was the daughter of Alexander and Mary (Dalton) Brown, of Epsom. The children, all born by the first wife, were: Emily B., Daniel C. (died young), Charles E. (died young), and Curtis E., the subject of the next paragraph.

(IX) Curtis Emery, youngest child of Joseph Brown and Hannah (Brown) Dalton, was born at Rye Beach, October 7, 1850. He was educated in the common schools of Rye and at Pembroke Academy. In 1865 he removed with his father and family to Pembroke, and lived for a short time on the farm. He then went to Portsmouth, where he was in the employ of Frank Jones for two years. A severe illness put an end to this employment and he drove a cart through the county the following two years, and then served a period of equal length as a clerk in a grocery, meat and provision store. Then, after clerking for Bartlett & Cofran, of Pembroke, for two years, he bought Mr. Cofran's interest, and with Mr. Ba.rtlett formed the new firm of Bartlett & Dalton/which had an existence for eight years, then in 18— was appointed postmaster. Selling his interest in the firm of Bartlett & Dalton he opened a boot and shoe and clothing store on his own account, which he carried on with pro1it the following twelve years. At that time Suncook waterworks were built by Frank Jones of Portsmouth, and Mr. Dalton was offered the position of superintendent, which he accepted, and has ever since acceptably filled. Mr. Jones died in 1903, and the waterworks were bought by C. E. Dalton, Jr., R. M. Weeks. A. B. Weeks, G. E. Miller, and Eugene S. Head, who now constitute the Suncook Waterworks Company. Mr. Dalton besides his interest in the waterworks, owns a pleasant home and a large lot and six tenement houses in Suncook. In politics he is a Republican, and has spent considerable time in the public service with credit to himself and to the satisfaction of his constituency. He was selectman of Allenstown two years, has been town treasurer eleven years and now holds that position, was a member of the school board three years, and is now serving his sixth year as treasurer of that body, and was postmaster of Suncook four years, during Cleveland's first administration. Mr. Dalton was made a member of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows in Howard Lodge, Suncook, in 1880, and since that time has also been a member of Suncook Encampment.

He married, November 24, 1870, Lucy M. Hoyt, who was born in Weare, December 28, 1851, daughter of Amos and Harriett C. (Randall) Hoyt, residing in Pembroke since 1867. (See Hoyt). They have three children: Frank E., born June 9, 1880, who married Millie M. Ladd, and resides in Newbury- port, Massachusetts. Edith, August, 1882; and Jeness C., June 14, 1894.

Source of the below article is: The English Home of Mr. Timothy Dalton, B. A. - The Teacher of the Church of Jesus Christ In Hampton, N. H. From 1639 to 1661; by John Laurens Blake.



One of the quick results of the Laudian persecution in the Eastern Counties was the departure of Philemon Dalton, the "lynnen wever," for New England, in the spring of 1635. His brother the minister was then under surveillance, having been complained of by Henry Dade, the Commissary of Suffolk, in a letter to the Archbishop, written at Ipswich, and dated February 4, 1633-1634. Mr. Dade stated therein that two ships are about to sail from that port with men and provisions for their abiding in New England; that in each ship are appointed to go about six score passengers, whom he supposes to be either indebted persons or persons discontented with the government of the Church of England; and that he hears that many more are expected not long after to go, as altogether will amouint to about six hundred. He describes the ill effects of suffering such swarms to go out of England, that trade will be overthrown, and that persons indebted will flky into New England, and be accounted religious men for leaving the kingdom because they cannot endure the ceremonies of the Church. "Of the breeders of these Mr. Ward, of Ipswich, is chief of these parts, who, by preaching against ye contents of ye Booke of Common Prayer, and set prayer, and of a fear of altering our Religion, hath caused this giddiness." Mr. Dade says that he has already exhibited "articles" against Ward in the Court of High Commission, and professes a fear that he must bear the brunt alone, and thereby incur the hatred of Ward's adherents, who are very potent in London and about Ipswich."

The, he continues: Ye cause of my writing I am bold to affirm to your Graces consideration, which is now fitting to move for an order at ye Council Table, to send for Mr. Dalton (who is otherwise an honest man) parson of Woluerston by Ipswich, and who is a great stickler for ye transporting of those people that should goe ouer unto Newe England, that ye same M.r Dalton may be inhibited from medling in ye afore-said business; ye voyage to be stayed."

There can be no doubt of Samuel Ward's position and influence. For thirty years he was "prædi-cator," or municipal preacher, of Ipswich. One of his contemporaries called him "the glory" of that town. He had been more than once in collision with the authorities. Thomas Fuller said: Índeed, he had a magnifeck vertue, (as if he had learned it from the Load-stone, in whose qualities he was so knowing,) to attract people's affections."4 Even Mr. Dade bears witness to the number and strength of his adherents. A modern author writes: "He was no mere academic foe; with caricature, we well as with pulpit thunder, he carried the war into the enemy's quarters, heedless of Personal risk: a bold man, with his heart in the right place." At this particular time-the winter of 1633-34-he was unusually excited and vehement, on account of the then recent deprivation of his brother Nathaniel, the rector of Stondon Massey, in Essex.

Mr. Ward was stationed in the ancient church of St. Mary-le-Tower, the official church of the corporation of Ipswich. It was served by two ministers: a curate, chosen and paid by the parishioners, and a lecturer, or "common preacher, appointed and paid by the municipality. The written history of the parish goes back to the Domesday Book. In earlier times the open churchyard was used for "ye Greate Courtes," or town meetings. Pews were provided in the church edifice for ye Bayliffes & Portman," and "ye Twenty fourty" chief constables, who were required to attend in livery on "fower" high festivals in each year, and listen to "fower" occasional sermons from the town preacher. His office was continued until 1835, when the Municipal Reform Act went into operation. Even now the assize sermons are delivered there in the presence of the Mayor, judges, and other dignitaries.7

The two men-Ward and Dalton-were close friends. They were of nearly the same age, and had long been neighbors. In the slang of to-day, Ward was "always ready for a fight." Dalton loved and followed the ways of peace, happy in his village home, removed from the disturbing influences of the eager seaport. He preached the same "Puritan gospel," it is true, but it was in a less offensive form. His parishioners were as orderly and undemonstrative as himself. We have it on the word of a hostile witness that he was "an honest man" in all things, except this "medling in ye aforesaid business" of Puritan colonization; whereby we understand that he had been cautious of speech upon the other mighty questions which vexed both church and state.

Prompt action was necessary if "ye voyyage" was to "be stayed." Prompt action was had. The records of the Privy Council show that a warrant for tying up the two Ipswich vessels was issued immediately, and that, a few days later, similar steps were taken for the detention of ten other ships lying in the Thames and under like charters for Massachusetts Bay. Subsequently all the vessels were released; but it was upon proper security being given by their captains for the good conduct of themselves and their passengers during the voyage. It would seem that the Council then took no steps against Ward and Dalton in relation to the matter. Our correspondent, Mr. Frank J. Burgoyne, the chief librarian of the Tate Central Library in London, assures us that "there is no mention of Mr. Dalton by name in theRegisters of the Council." But it was not the way of the archbishop to ignore complaints of that kind. The delay of the ships for a fortnight, and until inquiry could be made as to the character of their passengers, was a small thing in comparison with the discipline of the two clerical mischief-makers who were stirring up "this giddiness" among the people of Suffolk. Hence we believe that Mr. Dalton did not escape reproof on this occasion, perhaps "at ye Councill Table," perhaps in the Star Chamber, perhaps in the Consistory Court of his own diocese.

"A ltre [letter] to the Bayliffs & officers of the of the customs of Ipswich.

"Whereas we understand that there is a ship bound for New England, lying within that porte, for the transporting of passengers thither. We have thought good hereby straightly to charge and require you to make stay of the said shipp and not suffer her to proceed upon her intended voyage until you receive further order from this Board. And that you the Bayliffs send upp some fitt person to attend the Board on ffryday next, authorized and instructed to showe unto us upon what grounds or by what warrant or authority the said shipp & passengers goe thither.

On the 14th of the same month of February, the Council ordered another warrant to be issued ( " to have stay made of the several shipps hereafter named, bound for New Engkand, & now lying in the river of Thames, vizt. The Clemt [Clement] & Job, The Reformacon, the True Love, The Elizabeth Bonaventure, The Sunflower, The Mary and John, The Planter, The Elizabeth and Dorcas, The Hercules of Dover, & another shippe whereof one Barnes is master."

Further action was taken by the Council on the 21st day of the same month, at a meeting, when the archbishops of both Canterbury and York were present. We quote from folios 503 and 504 of the same volume:

"Whereas the Board being given to understand of the frequent transportation of greate numbers of His Maye"s subjects out of this Kingdome to the Plantation called New England (whom divers persons know to be effected & discontented as well as with the civill as ecclesiasticall gov'mt) are observed to resort thither, whereby much confusions and disorder is already growne there, especially in point of religion, as besides the ruin of the said plantation cannot but highly tend to the scandal both of the Church and State here. And whereas it was informed in particular that there were at this present time divers shipps now in the river of Thames, readie to sett sayle thither, freighted with passengers and provisions."

It was thought fit and ordered that stay should be forthwith made of the said shipps until further order from the Board, and that the several masters and freighters of the same should attend the Board on Wednesday next, in the afternoon, with a list of the Passengers & provisions in each ship. And that Mr. Cradock, a chief Adventurer in that Plantation, now present before the Board, should be required to cause the Letter Patent for that Plantation to be brought to the Board."10

On the last day of the month, the Archbisihop of Canterbury being present, a final order of the Council was made for the release of all the detained vessels, including the two at Ipswich:

"Whereby a warrant, bearing date the VIth of this present, the several shipps following bound for New England, and now lying in the River of Thames, were made stay of until such other order from this Board, vizt. The Clement & Job, The Reformation, The True Love, The Elizabeth Bonadventure, The Sun Flower, The Mary and John, The Planter, The Elizabeth & Dorcas, TheHercules & The Neptune.

"Forasmuch as the masters of the said Shipps were this day called before the Board and several Particulars given them in charge to be performed in their said voyage, amongt which the said masters were to enter into severall bonds of One Hundred Pounds apiece to His Mte's use before the Clerk of the Council Attendant, to observe and cause to be duly observed and putt in declaration these articles following, viz-

"1. That all and every person aboard their Shipps now bound for New England, as aforesaid, that shall blaspheme or profane the holy name of God, be severly punished.

"2. That they cause the prayers contained in the Booke of Common Prayer established in the Church of England to be said daily at the usual hours for Morning and Evening Prayers, and that they cause all persons aboard their Shipps to be present at the same.

"3. That they do not receive aboard or transport any person that hath not Certificate from the officrs of the port where he is embarqued, that he hath taken both the oath of allegiance and supremacie.

" 4. That upon their return to this Kingdom they certify to the Board the names of all such persons as they shall transport, together with their proceedings in the execution of the aforesaid articles. It was therefore and for divers other reasons best known to their Lopps thought fitt, that for this tyme they should be permitted to proceed on their voyage.

"And it was thereupon ordered that Gabriell Marsh, Esqre, Marshall of the Admiralty, and all other his Mate's offic'rs, to whom the said Warrt was directed, should be required upon sight hereof to discharge all and every the said shipps, and suffer them to depart on their intended voyage to New England.

"A like order, Mutatis mutandis, requiring the bailiffs & offc'rs of the Custiomes of the Port of Ipswich to discharge the francis and the Elizabeth, bound likewise for New England and stayed by the warr within that Port."

Some have contended that Nathaniel Ward took advantage of this opportunity to make his escape from either London or Ipswich. His name is not found in any passenger-list which has been preserved. Perhaps he sailed under a disguise. Perhaps he was hiding below deck until his vessel reached the open seas. All that can be said positively about the matter is this: we know that he was at Agawam in the colony in the early part of 1634, and that the name of the new plantation was soon thereafter changed to Ipswich, because "of the great honour and kindness done to our people who took shipping there."

As for Mr. Dalton, he was probably cautioned -- "admonished" was the word -- at that time. We hear no more of him or his troubles until April, 1939; and for some equally mysterious reason the complaint against Samuel Ward, in the Court of the High Commission, was not pressed to a conclusion until November, 1635. It may have been that the two men were indebted to the good nature and forbearance of Richard Corbet, who was then the Bishop of Norwich.


Notes about Samuel Dalton:
Samuel Dalton, son of Philemon, married Mehetabel, daughter of Henry Palmer, of Haverhill, Mass. He was a man of considerable ability and influence in the town of Hampton, and held many offices of trust during his life.

His son Philemon, born Dec. 15, 1664, married Abigail, daughter of Edward Gove, Sept. 25, 1690, and had ten children. Their youngest son, Michael Dalton, was born Feb. 22, 1709. He came to Newbury when quite a young man, and entered upon a sea-faring life. He soon attained command of a ship, and made several successful voyages. He married Feb. 5, 1733-4, Mary Little, daughter of Tristram Little. A few years later he established himself in business as a merchant, and purchased a house on the northerly side of Market Square for the sum of .£1,000. At this date Tristram Little lived on the southeasterly side of the square, near the present corner of Liberty Street.

Michael Dalton was an active and influential member of St. Paul's Church, and contributed largely to its support. He was elected one of the vestrymen of that church in 1743, and was annually re-elected to that office until 1770, with the exception of two years, 1756 and 1757, when he served as warden.

May 15, 1746, he bought of "Gideon Bartlett, of Almsbury, tanner, with consent of his wife Abigail, for .£1,600, old tenor," about three acres of land in Newbury, bounded " Westerly on Greenleaf's lane or Fish Street, southerly on ye land of Nathan Hale, Esq., in part and partly on ye land of John Newman, easterly on sd Newman's land and ye land of Mr. Anthony Sumersby, northeast or northerly on land of yc' heirs of ye late James Peirson, deceased, with y house & houslins thereon".

On this land Michael Dalton erected a fine house, with a spacious barn and court-yard adjoining. Fifteen or twenty years ago the barn was removed to make room for Garden Street and for the contemplated improvements in that vicinity; but the house is still standing, and is now the property of Mr. Timothy Remick, of Boston.

Michael Dalton was evidently a man of large means, and interested in agricultural pursuits. He bought a large farm of nearly two hundred acres on Pipe Stave Hill, in West New- bury, which after his death was occupied by his son Tristram as a country seat. In 1765, he purchased some wharf property at the foot of Market Street, then called Queen Street, and established a distillery there. He was also extensively engaged in the importation of foreign goods and the exportation of domestic products. He died March 1, 1770, and was buried in St. Paul's churchyard. His widow married Captain Patrick Tracy March 25, 1773, and died Dec. 10, 1791, aged seventy-eight. She also was buried in the churchyard by the side of her first husband.

Previous to the organization of the parish of St. Paul's and the erection of a church building on the corner of Queen and High Streets, Captain Michael Dalton and his wife, Mary (Little) Dalton, were members of the Third Church in Newbury, now the First Religious Society in Newburyport. From the records of this society it appears that

Mary, daughter of Captain Dalton, was baptized Dec. 22, 1734.

Michael, son of Captain Dalton, was baptized Nov. 7, 1736.

Tristram, son of Captain Dalton, was baptized June 4, 1738.

Tristram was born in Newbury, now Newburyport, May 28, 1738. He graduated from Harvard College, in 1755, in the class with John Adams. He read law in Salem, but on the completion of his studies returned to Newbury, and joined his father in business.



On the death of his father he inherited a large estate, amply sufficient to satisfy his wants and expectations. In a sketch of Tristram Dalton, read by the late Hon. Eben F. Stone Feb. 20, 1888, before the members of the Essex Institute at Salem, Mass., the personal appearance of the man who ultimately represented Massachusetts in the United States senate is described as follows: —

There is a portrait of him in the possession of his great-granddaughter, taken when he was eighteen years of age, just after he graduated, which is supposed to have been painted by Blackburn. It appears from this that he was tall and well-formed, with a fine, clear complexion and a smooth, open brow. He had full, dark eyes, rather a long nose, and a firm, well-set mouth and chin. The general expression of his face is open and intelligent. His dress, after the fashion of the time, short clothes and knee-breeches: coat with standing collar and deep, broad lapels faced with silk; white satin waistcoat, cut deep and long; ruffled shirt bosom and deep lace cuffs; his hair tied in a queue and puffed on each side: all this gives such an appearance of age and dignity to the figure that it is difficult to believe it is the portrait of one so young. In the latter part of his life his figure was very striking and imposing. It has been said by one who saw him about 1816, in Newburyport, that he was then perfectly erect and firm, with a florid complexion, white hair, and a fine presence. He was fond of music, and. when young, played on the flute. He was a fine specimen of the gentleman of the old school. Naturally refined, fond of literature, easy, affable, and dignified in his manner, he was well fitted to take a leading part in the best of New England society, as it was constituted in the colonial era. From the time his father died until he was elected to the Senate in i 788 he maintained at his mansion on State Street, in Newburyport, and at his country seat at Pipe Stave Hill, a most generous hospitality.

A copy of the portrait referred to above, painted by Thomas B. Lawson, of Lowell, Mass., now hangs in the rooms of the Historical Society of Old Newbury; and from that copy the half-tone print that accompanies this sketch, is taken.

Tristram Dalton was actively interested in public affairs previous to the "Revolution, and his name frequently appears in the records of the town. He served on important committees, and gave considerable time and attention to the revision of the public school system of Newburyport. In 1774, he was one of the delegates to the Provincial congress, and in 1776 he was elected representative to the General Court.

During the war he was an ardent and patriotic supporter of the continental government, and heartily in sympathy with the men who were struggling to secure American independence. From 1782 to 1785 inclusive, he was an active and influential member of the State legislature, and in 1783 he was chosen speaker of the house. In 1784, though again chosen to that office, he declined to serve. In 1786, 1787, and 1788 he was a member of the State senate, and also a delegate from Newburyport to the constitutional convention of 1788. He was active and energetic in his efforts to reconcile political differences, and zealously advocated the adoption of the constitution of the United States.

After a long and protracted contest the advocates of the new constitution were successful, and Tristram Dalton and Caleb Strong were elected senators to the first congress from Massachusetts. The long term fell, by lot, to Caleb Strong. After the expiration of two years Tristram Dalton was a candidate for re-election ; but, owing to the strong party feeling prevailing at that time and the lack of unanimity among his own friends and supporters, he was defeated, and soon after retired from the public service.

The result of this election was evidently a serious disappointment to him ; but his letters, written at this time, do not show any signs of anger or ill-nature, although malicious and unfounded reports, derogatory to his character, had been circulated by his enemies during the campaign.

He retained his residence in New York until congress removed to Philadelphia, when he engaged a house in that city, and made a home for himself and family there. When Washington, D. C., was selected as the permanent seat of government, he decided to sell his real estate in Essex county, Mass., and invest the proceeds in Washington city lands.

In 1790, he sold to Joseph Stanwood, of Newburyport, his great farm at Pipe Stave Hill for .£3,700, and at the same time he conveyed to Moses Brown his mansion house, stables, and land under and adjoining the same on State Street, and to William Welsted Prout and Samuel Gyles Parsons all his interest in the old Tristram Little place, on the southeasterly side of Market Square, which he had inherited from his mother.

His household goods were carefully packed and shipped by a sailing vessel bound to Georgetown, D. C. The vessel was wrecked on the way ; and he lost a large part of his furniture, books, and pictures. "The anticipated rise in value of real estate at Washington did not take place. His agent was dishonest. The speculation proved a failure; and Dalton, with nearly all the others engaged in the enterprise, lost his property, and was reduced to such a condition that he was forced to accept a situation in the Boston custom-house for his support. He removed to Boston in 1815, and died very suddenly, two years after, on the 3oth of May, 1817."

During his residence in Newburyport he was an active and devoted member of St. Paul's Church, and contributed generously to its support. In 1760 and 1761, he served as warden of the parish, and from 1765 to 1788 (when he removed to New York) he was annually elected one of the vestrymen.

His grave is on the southeasterly side of the church, where his wife, Ruth (Hooper) Dalton, and five of his children are buried. Only three of his daughters lived to mature age. Mary, the eldest daughter, married Hon. Leonard White, of Haverhill, Mass., at one time a member of Congress. Ruth married, July 21, 1789, Lewis Deblois, a merchant of Boston. Catherine was never married.

Hon. Eben K. Stone, in the paper read before the Essex Institute at Salem, Mass., from which many important facts and incidents have been drawn for publication in this sketch, gives some interesting extracts from the letters of Tristram Dalton relating to the men and measures prominent at the first session of congress after the adoption of the constitution, and closes with the following careful and discriminating analysis of his life and character:

Physically, he was well-built, large, and robust, with a fine, erect figure, an open, benevolent, and handsome face, and that natural air of superiority which implies a fine organization. His mental powers, though good, were not remarkable. Sensible, intelligent, and refined, there was nothing in the force or capacity of his mind to distinguish him from those of the class who had enjoyed, like him, the advantages of culture and of the best society, His moral nature was of the highest order. Kind, generous, temperate, upright, truthful, and unselfish in the social and domestic relations, he was a model man. a dutiful son, a kind father, a good citizen, and an ardent patriot. A man of emotions rather than of ideas, the warmth and depth and sincerity of his feelings lifted him above all personal considerations, and gave to him that elevation and nobility of character which appeal so strongly to our regard and affection. Take him for all in all, he was a fine specimen of an accomplished Christian gentleman of the old school, of the class which was the best product of the colonial period, and which perished under the influence of the democratic ideas introduced by the Revolution.

On the morning of May 15, 1789, Tristram Dalton climbed the steep stairs to the Senate chamber in New York City's Federal Hall. At a few minutes after 11 a.m., the recently elected Massachusetts senator placed his hand into a small wooden box. With Vice President John Adams presiding and 12 of the Senate's 20 members looking on, Dalton grasped a small slip of paper and lifted it for all to see. He then read its brief notation: "Number One." With that ritual act, seven senators became members of "Class One" and learned that their terms of office would expire within two years.

A day earlier, a special committee had assigned each of the 20 senators to one of three as yet unnumbered classes. (Although the Senate was meeting in the nation's temporary capital of New York City, New York would not get around to selecting its senators for another two months. Rhode Island and North Carolina, among the original 13 states, had yet to ratify the Constitution.) Assignment of senators to classes was done in such a way that each class would contain members drawn from all sections of the country but no more than one senator from any state. The Senate had then designated three senators—one from each class—to draw lots from a box on behalf of their respective classes.

The brief ceremony was repeated twice more that morning, although we do not know in what order the slips were drawn. The designee of a second group of seven senators drew the number two, thereby placing those members in "Class Two" with a term of four years. The remaining six senators won the Class Three identification and a full six-year term. The Senate had thereby set into operation its constitutionally required "class system," in which one-third of that body's seats would be subject to election every two years.

Actually over his pew and corresponding with it in she, and for want of funds left the remainder of the roof in an unfinished state for many years. When the Revolution came he adhered to the side of the King and was denounced and proscribed as a Tory.

Tristram Dalton does not appear to have taken any special interest in public affairs until the commencement of the Revolution, when he unhesitatingly put his heart and soul,/ into the cause of his country. With what strength and ardor of patriotism he congratulates his friend Elbridge Gerry, then a member of the Continental Congress, on the Declaration of Independence in the following letter of July 19,1776!

Dear Sir: I wish you joy on the late Declaration, an event so ardently desired by your good self and the people you particularly represent. We are no longer to be amused with delusive prospects. The die is cast. All is at stake. The way is made plain. No one can now doubt on which side it is his duty to act. We have everything to hope from the goodness of our cause. The God of justice is omnipotent. We are not to fear what man or multitude can do. We have put on the harness, and I trust it will not be put off until we see our land of security and freedom, the wonder of the other hemisphere, the asylum of all who pant for deliverance from bondage.

Wishing every blessing to attend you, I am dear sir with great regard,

Your Obd' Sir,

Tristram Dalton.

During the war his name frequently appears in the town records among the principal actors of the time. Jonathan Jackson, Jonathan Greenleaf, Jonathan Titcomb, Benj. Greenleaf, Theophilus Parsons, John Lowell, Col. Wigglesworth, Michael Hodge, Nathaniel Tracy are names that frequently occur when looking over the town records. In the archives at the State House we find the names of another class of men, active and successful merchants who served the cause very effectually but in a different way. They had no taste for public affairs. In this list may be found Patrick Tracy, Ralph and Stephen Cross, Joseph Marquand, Nathan Carter, Thomas Thomas, Samuel New- hall, Mr. Coombs, Jacob Boardman, Moses Frazier, John Coffin Jones and others.

In 1774, Tristram Dalton was one of the delegates to the Provincial Congress. In 1776 he, with John Lowell, afterwards Judge of the U. S. District Court, was on the Board of Selectmen, and the same year, with Jonathan Jackson, John Lowell, Col. Moses Little and Col. Edward Wiggles- worth, was representative from Newburyport to the General Court. A very strong representation ; all of them were superior men heartily engaged in the cause of independence and capable of dealing with large affairs. Four of them were graduates of Harvard College. No wonder, with such men to lead, with her Greenleafs, her Jacksons, her Parsons and her Lowells, that Newburyport at that period was an integrant part not only of Essex county but of the Common wealth.

Mr. Dalton was not only active in political matters of a public nature, but, from his benevolence and kindness of heart, was distinguished for his services in behalf of the poor, who, in the suspension of business caused by the war, suffered severely for the want of the necessaries of life. He also took a lively interest in the welfare of the common schools, and was one of a select committee appointed by the town to revise the system of public instruction.

He was a representative in 1782 and '83, and also in 1784 and '85, when he had for his associate the celebrated Rufus King. In 1783, he was chosen speaker of the House. In 1784, though again chosen, he declined to serve. Samuel A. Otis was finally elected and Dalton was promoted to the State Senate. In 1786, '87 and '88, Mr. Dalton was one of the senators from this county, and in 1788, with the Hon. Caleb Strong, was chosen the first United States senator from this state under the new constitution. He was a member of the Constitutional convention in 1788, as a delegate from Newbury, and took an active part in favor of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. During his term of service in our legislature Mr. Dalton was placed, in several instances, upon important committees, and this shows the high position which he held at that time. He was appointed, in 1786, one of a committee to attend a convention at Annapolis, composed of delegates from several states, to agree, if possible, upon a plan of union of the colonies. The same year, at the commencement of Shay's rebellion, he was appointed one of a committee, with Samuel Adams, to urge upon the Governor the importance of energetic action to suppress the rebellion and to protect the authority of the Courts. He was one of the commissioners chosen by this state, to attend a convention of the New England States held during the war, at Providence, to devise measures for the expulsion of the British troops from Rhode Island.

During the war, the spirit of patriotism overruled every other consideration, and those who were the most ardent and uncompromising in their opposition to England were the most popular and influential. But with the end of the war and the establishment of Independence came a change of circumstances, which gave influence and importance to a different class of men. With the restoration of peace, there came a demand for some system of administration which should reconcile and adjust the conflicting commercial interests of the different states and save the country from the jealousies and competitions, which, unless restrained by some central power, representing the general welfare, would most certainly prevent our national growth and prosperity.

After the adoption of the Constitution the question of the election of Senators came up. Those who had opposed its adoption were in the majority in the House, while the Senate was controlled by the Federalists. Previous to the adoption of the Constitution the people were strongly on the side of its opponents, and it was finally carried in this state only by a device of Parsons and others, who succeeded in disarming the opposition in the Convention by getting Gov. Hancock to favor its adoption, with an accompanying recommendation of certain amendments, which were intended to remove the objections of those who thought that the Constitution conferred too much power on the Federal government. Its adoption, however, was not dependent upon the success of the amendments, so that if the amendments had failed the Constitution would have stood as having the support of Massachusetts. But when it was clear that it was carried and that a general government, agreeably to its provisions, would be established, a very sudden and general change of public sentiment took place. The federal party, here in this State, became at once the popular and dominant party, so popular and so dominant, that those who had opposed the passage of the Constitution (without the amendments) were attacked as sectional and unpatriotic.

This division of sentiment showed itself very strongly in the election of Senator for the eastern part of the state. Dr. Jarvis, a very popular man and an anti-federalist, who was a candidate for the appointment, received 113 out of 201 votes in the House. The Senate non-concurred and sent down the name of John Lowell; the House adhered to its previous vote and sent back the name of Jarvis. In this the Senate non- concurred and sent down the name of Tristram Dalton ; the House non-concurred and sent up the name of Nathan Dane; the Senate non-concurred and sent back the name of Tristram Dalton, when the House concurred by a vote of 78 out of 145. Rufus King was a candidate for the Massachusetts Senator, and it was probably this defeat that determined him to try his fortunes in the State of New York. Caleb Strong, from the western part of the State, was chosen on the first ballot by a large vote. Upon drawing lots for the long term, it fell to Strong, so that Dalton's term of service expired in two years. When the election to choose his successor took place in June, 1789, he was a candidate, but on the first ballot received only six votes, the leading candidates being Nathaniel Gorham, George Cabot, and Dr. Charles Jarvis. On the third ballot Cabot was elected by 63 votes out of 123 and so ended Tristram Dalton's career as a public man. The cause of his defeat I can only conjecture, but my belief is that it was because he was not a sufficiently strong partisan to satisfy either side at that time, when party feeling ran very high.

Dalton, before the election, was not a prominent candidate. In a letter from Gen. Lincoln to Washington dated Boston, Oct. 25, 1788, he says: "Our general court meets here on Wednesday next. It is quite uncertain who will be our Senators, or at the least one of them. Mr. Strong, I think, will be chosen ; for the other seat there are many candidates—Mr. Bowdoin, Mr. S. Adams, Mr. R. King, Mr. Judge Dana, etc." After the adoption of the Constitution, the political tide set strongly in favor of the Federalists, and Dalton was a friend of Samuel Adams and a moderate Federalist.

In a letter of July 5, 1789, he says : "I am surprised to find that the approbation or disapprobation of my fellow- townsmen and acquaintances of my conduct in public life should depend on my befriending, in an appointment, this or that person. I shall ever be happy to please them and through my whole life shall endeavor to effect what I think will be for the interest of the country in which we are all included. In every appointment some few are obliged, and many disobliged, and it is impossible for me to avoid censure from one party or another; but I shall pursue, steadily, the course that appears to me right, ever duly attending to the wishes of those whom I esteem." He was selected originally, probably, as a compromise-man. He was, naturally, extremely kind and sympathetic, and his political and commercial associations must have sometimes driven him in a direction opposed to his natural impulses, which were on the side of liberty. When, therefore, the Senate and House were politically opposed, as they were in 1788, he was, I imagine, elected finally, because not regarded as a strong partisan.

Another consideration had its influence. Dalton was a merchant of large business connections, and the son-in-law of another eminent merchant, Robert Hooper of Marble- head. The adoption of the Constitution was largely brought about by the merchants of the country engaged in foreign commerce. When the question who should be the candidate for the United States Senate from the eastern part of this state was under debate, James Sullivan, afterwards Governor, remarked to a friend that he was surprised to find that there was any question about who should be nominated : "the merchants," said he, "made the Constitution and they should name the candidate." Bowdoin, Sam'l Adams, Rufus King and Judge Dana were not merchants, and for this reason, at this time, Dalton had the advantage of them, and this was also true of Gorham and Dr. Jarvis who were among his competitors.

If he could have consulted his own tastes, he would have spent the remainder of his days in his beloved town, but his wife had been with him at New York, and had become so enamored of the gaiety and fashion of high life that she could not be contented without it, and, yielding to her entreaties, he left Newburyport. After the Federal Court removed from New York to Philadelphia, he resided there with his family for some time, and finally, persuaded that the selection of Washington, as the permanent seat of government, offered a good opportunity for speculation, he decided to sell his real estate in Essex County, and invest the proceeds in Washington city lands. It is said that he was induced to take this step by the advice of Gen. Washington, who anticipated a great rise in the value of property there, upon the removal of the seat of government to the Federal Capital. Accordingly, he returned to Newburyport and sold his real estate. , He sold his great farm at Pipe-stave Hill, of two hundred acres, in 1796, to Mr. Joseph Stanwood of Newburyport, for £3700, and at the same time sold his mansion house on State Street to Moses Brown, and all his interest in the old Little place, which he inherited from his mother, to Mr. Prout. This estate stood in Market Square, very near the lower corner of Liberty Street. Moses Brown used to say that when he was a carriage-maker at Belleville, he did Mr. Dalton's work, and that one day, while making some repairs upon one of his carriages, Mr. Dalton took him into his garden, and showed him the extent and completeness of his grounds, and that he then resolved that, if he outlived Mr. Dalton, he would own the place himself. He lived to realize his dream.

The vessel which contained Mr. Dalton's effects was wrecked on its way to Georgetown, and he lost a large part of his furniture, books and pictures. His silver only was insured, so that the disaster was a serious loss to him. The anticipated rise in value in real estate at Washington did not take place. His agent was dishonest. The speculation proved a failure, and Dalton, with nearly all the others engaged in the enterprise, lost his property and was reduced to such a condition that he was forced to accept a situation in the Boston Custom House for his support. He removed to Boston in 1815, and died very suddenly, two years after, on the 30th May, 1817. His wife survived him for some years, and died Jan. 10,1826, aged eighty-seven years.

So much concerning the life and public services of Tristram Dalton, who was quite a celebrity in his day, but is now unknown except to the few who are related to him or who, for special reasons, have some curiosity respecting him. It remains to say a few words upon the man himself, and some incidental matters suggested by this inquiry into his life and times.

There is a portrait of him in the possession of his great granddaughter taken when he was eighteen years of age, just after he graduated, which is supposed to have been painted by Blackburn. It appears from this that he was tall and well-formed, with a fine, clear complexion and a smooth, open brow; he had full, dark eyes, rather a long nose, and a firm, well-set mouth and chin. The general expression of his face is open and intelligent. His dress, after the fashion of the time, short clothes and knee breeches; coat with standing collar and deep, broad lapels faced with silk ; white satin waistcoat, cut deep and long; ruffled shirt bosom and deep lace cuffs ; his hair tied in a cue and puffed on each side ; all this gives such an appearance of age and dignity to the figure, that it is difficult to believe it is the portrait of one so young. In the latter part of his life, his figure was very striking and imposing. It has been said by one who saw him, about 1816, in Newburyport, that he was then perfectly erect and firm, with a florid complexion, white hair, and a fine presence. He was fond of music and, when young, played on the flute. He was a fine specimen of the gentleman of the old school. Naturally refined, fond of literature, easy, affable and dignified in his manner, he was well fitted to take a leading part in the best of New England society, as it was constituted in the colonial era. From the time his father died until he was elected to the Senate in 1788, he maintained at his mansion on State street in Newburyport, and at his country-seat at Pipe-stave Hill, a most generous hospitality.

Brissot de Warville, in his account of his travels in this country in 1788, thus describes his visit to Mr. Dalton. After speaking of his place as being on the Merrimac, five miles from Newburyport, he says : " This is one of the finest situations that can be imagined. It presents au agreeable prospect of seven leagues. The farm is extremely well arranged. I saw on it thirty cows, numbers of sheep, etc., and a well furnished garden. Mr. Dalton occupies himself much in gardening, a thing generally neglected in America. He has fine grapes, apples, and pears. He received me with that frankness which bespeaks a man of worth and talents, and with that hospitality which is more general in Massachusetts and New Hampshire than in the other states. His house presented me with the picture of a true patriarchal family and of great domestic felicity."

What delightful society must have met there a hundred years ago ! There were Lowell, Tracy and Jackson, Dr. Sawyer, John Coffin Jones, Samuel Alleyn Otis, Rev. Dr. Cary, Judge Greenleaf, and Stephen Hooper, a brother-in- law of Dalton, all graduates of Harvard, all well-to-do, all given to hospitality. Their style of living was graceful, elegant, generous and refined; superior to all pretension and governed by good sense and good taste. Their hospitality and good cheer were famous. An inventory of some of their household effects at this time will give an idea of their habits of life. Dalton had " 7 horses, 3 carnages, 560 oz. of plate and, in his cellar, 1200 gallons of wine." Jonathan Jackson, who inherited from his grandfather and received, the day he was free, twenty thousand golden guineas, and who built the fine house later identified with Lord Timothy Dexter, and who married a sister of Nathaniel Tracy, " kept 4 horses, 4 carriages, had 1000 oz. of silver, 40 oz. of gold, and 1000 gallons of wine in his cellar." John Coffin Jones had " 2 horses, 2 carriages, 500 oz. of silver, 20 oz. of gold, 1200 gallons of wine." Dr. Sawyer had two uncommonly handsome daughters, one of whom married a Lee and the other a Schuyler, and who were distinguished far and wide for their superior beauty and style. There is a letter extant, written by Mrs. Tenney of Exeter, who was a very accomplished woman and a daughter of Governor Gilman of New Hampshire, describing parties which she had attended at Washington, in the winter of 1807, at the houses of the President, the Secretary of State and the French Minister, in which she says that she has seen nothing in Washington equal in style and elegance to the parties given by the Sawyer girls in Newburyport.

Another French writer, no less a personage than the Marquis de Chastellux, member of the Academy and Major General serving under the Count de Rochambean, gives us a charming picture of Mr. Tracy's hospitality to himself and his staff in the summer of 1782. In his " Travels in North America," this author says, —" Two handsome carriages, well equipped, conducted me and my aide-de-camp to his country-house. This house stands a mile from the town, in a very beautiful situation. I went by moonlight to see the garden, which is composed of different terraces. There is likewise a hot-house and a number of young trees. The house is very handsome and well finished, and everything breathes the air of magnificence accompanied with simplicity which is only to be found among merchants. The evening passed rapidly by the aid of agreeable conversation and a few glasses of punch. The ladies we found assembled were Mrs. Tracy, her two sisters, and their cousin, Miss Lee. Mrs. Tracy has an agreeable and a sensible countenance, and her manners correspond with her appearance. At ten o'clock an excellent supper was served. We drank good wine; Miss Lee sang, and prevailed on Messieurs de Vaudreuil and Taleyrand to sing also. Towards midnight the ladies withdrew, but we continued drinking Madeira and Xery. Mr. Tracy, according to the custom of the country, offered us pipes, which were accepted by M. de Taleyrand and M. de Montesquieu. I continued to converse on trade and politics with Mr. Tracy, who interested me greatly with an account of all the vicissitudes of his fortune since the beginning of the war. At the end of 1777 his brother and he had lost one and forty ships, and with regard to himself, he had not a ray of hope but in a single letter of marque of eight guns, of which he had received no news. As he was walking one day with his brother, and they were reasoning together on the means of subsisting their families (for they were both married) they perceived a sail making for the harbour. He immediately interrupted the conversation, saying to his brother, 'Perhaps it is a prize for me.' The latter laughed at him, but he immediately took a boat, went to meet the ship, and found that it was in fact a prize belonging to him, worth five and twenty thousand pounds sterling. Since that period, he has been almost always fortunate, and he is at present thought to be worth near £120,000 sterling. He has my warmest wishes for his prosperity; for he is a sensible, polite man, and a good patriot. He has always assisted his country in time of need, and, in 1781, lent five thousand pounds to the State of Massachusetts for the clothing of their troops, and that only on the receipt of the Treasurer, yet his quota of taxes in that very year amounted to six thousand pounds. One can hardly conceive how a simple individual can be burdened so far; but it must be understood that, besides the duty of 5 per cent on importation, required by Congress, the State imposed another tax of the same value on the sale of every article in the nature of an excise,—on rum, sugar, coffee, etc."

There were two sets of rich men in this place in the last century: one consisted of men of education and culture, who were not merely merchants but high-toned and accomplished gentlemen,—men who enjoyed and appreciated everything that belonged to a high civilization. They built fine residences at some distance from their wharves and warehouses, and surrounded themselves with all the comforts and refinements that wealth could give. Such men were Dalton and Hooper, Tracy and Jackson, John Coffin Jones, the Carters, the Wheelwrights and others. Another class was composed of successful traders whose lives were devoted exclusively to the accumulation of property, and who built fine houses, not where they could command a good view of the open country and breathe the fresh air of heaven, but upon the main streets, so near to their places of business that they were never out of sight of their wharves and ships and the warehouses where they had stored their treasures. Of this class were Bartlett, Brown, Boardman, Marquand, Thomas, Coombs, Pettingill and others.

Both classes were equally patriotic and devoted to the cause of the colonies during the revolution. The Newbury- port merchants were distinguished for their services and sacrifices in behalf of their country. It was the Newburyport merchants of whom Dalton was one, who, of their own means, furnished four ships of war for the Penobscot expedition which terminated so disastrously that the memory of it has only not been voluntarily lost. I cannot find that there was a single loyalist in the town of Newburyport during the war, a distinction of which such a community may well be proud. Sabine's history of the loyalists, a work which is considered very thorough and complete, does not give the name of one from the place, although it attempts to give the names of all persous residing in different towns in New England who were forced, by reason of their political opinions, to take refuge abroad.

The letters previously mentioned were written, with the exception of two or three to his brother-in-law Stephen Hooper, to Michael Hodge, who was connected by marriage with Mr. Dalton. His wife was a granddaughter of Tristram Little and a daughter of Stephen Sewell. He was a man of superior ability and intelligence, an ardent Federalist and an intimate friend of Judge Parsons, Judge Greenleaf and Rev. Dr. Cary. The Declaration of Independence, upon its receipt in Newburyport, was first read by him to an eager throng from the window of the old church in Market Square. He was the secretary of the first Marine Insurance Company in Newburyport, which was established in 1776, and had its place of business in the house of Mr. Sewell in Market Square. This office during the Revolution and for some years afterwards was the headquarters for the merchants and Federalists, where all the commercial and political news, were found. Nearly all of Mr. Dalton's letters conclude with "give my Compliments to the Gentlemen at the Office." These letters are in three groups : one relating to Shay's rebellion and describing the acts of the legislature to suppress it; another describing the action of the State Convention which adopted the Constitution of the United States and revealing some facts which explain clearly how the Constitution was carried; and the third part giving a full and almost daily record of what transpired in congress during Mr. Dalton's term of service as United States Senator.

The first part, relating to Shay's rebellion, were written in 1786 and 1787, when Mr. Dalton was a member of the State Senate. They show very clearly the conflict which then existed between the members of the House, many of whom were in sympathy with the rebels, and the members of the Senate, who were generally on the side of the government. The party which favored the rebels was called Insurrectionists, the other the Friends of Government. The honesty and courage and integrity of Mr. Dalton's character appear very strongly in these letters. In a letter of Nov. 6, 1786, after speaking of the defeat of the tender-bill in the Senate, a measure originated in the House in order to conciliate the rebels, and intended, in effect, to produce a suspension of all legal process by which the payment of a debt could be enforced, he says, "the House will be in a heat on Monday on the occasion the cloven foot appears ; several members discover themselves possessed of the true principles of the insurgents, and I am very sorry to say the majority, from their sentiments or from timidity or some other cause, differ widely from the Senate, who are as firm as the friends of their country can wish them. The coming week will be a serious week; the welfare, if not the existence of this government, depends on the doings of the General Court. May God grant them wisdom and firmness I The good, the worthy old patriot, Mr. Adams, says that he is afraid we have forsaken God, and that He has forsaken us. Our conduct, I have often told you, resembles that of the Jews and every day confirms me in this opinion." In another letter he refers to the tender-bill as "that iniquitous measure founded in injustice." In still another dated February 25, 1786, when complaining of the excessive valuation of Newburyport, he says, "I have ever thought that two and two did not make four in politics, and am now convinced that in the General Court honesty is not the best policy. If a new valuation should hereafter be proposed, to save a town harmless, and to do simple justice, persons of the best heads and worst hearts are necessary to be employed."

Many of his letters contain the last intelligence from the scene of the Rebellion, and profess to give the news which he had personally just received from the Governor's headquarters. He was one of the committee, with Samuel Adams, to urge the Governor to energetic measures. It is clear from the tone of his letters that he was firm and unflinching in his determination to compel the rebels to submit to the authority of law, before he would show them any mercy. His manifest opportunity to get the best intelligence of the movement of the rebels may be explained by the fact that his friend and former townsman, Jonathan Jackson, was on General Lincoln's staff, and was a bearer of dispatches from the headquarters of the General in the Field to the Governor's headquarters at the State House.

His letters, written while a member of the Convention which adopted the Constitution of the United States, reveal very clearly the intense interest he took in the business and in the expedients, of which Parsons was manifestly the author, employed to secure a majority of the convention in its favor. At first, he writes very doubtfully respecting the result, but as the discussion proceeds his courage gains strength. On the twentieth of January, 1788, he writes, "Every day brings new conviction. Each paragraph appears better on strict examination. The whole is a masterpiece. If the Governor comes forward, we shall he much indebted to him for the adoption of the Constitution. If it should be rejected, we must thank Mr. Gerry. Of how much importance, sometimes, is the voice of a single man.

My love to your good family and mine, as I have not time to write Mrs. D., snatching a moment now while in a caucus. It is thought the grand question will be put to-morrow and determined on Saturday : perhaps it may be on Tuesday—great and important indeed the day on which the vote will be determined II will tell yon, as a confidential communication, that Mr. Samuel Adams will come out in favor of the Constitution. This and the Governor on the same side will settle the matter favorably. All this is scarcely known out of our caucus, wherein we work as hard as in convention. God bless you all, and give us success in the present undertaking. Never,—never were men more anxious than we are. All that is dear is at stake. Mr. Parsons is with us this evening, thoroughly well and ardently engaged. I am well, of which please to advise. Pray remember me to my kind mother, Mr. Hooper, and all friends, and believe me, your most aff. friend,

T. D.

P. S. Our friend D's communication will give you all the information we are at liberty to put on paper. We have stolen a moment in caucus to write this. Yours,

T. P. [Theophilus Parsons.]

Boston, Wednesday Evening, Feb. 6, 1788.

To Stephen Hooprr, Esq.

My Dkar Brother:

God be praised!

With the utmost satisfaction I now announce to yon and to my fellow citizens, which pray communicate, the joyful,—the important news that this afternoon, at 5 o'clock, the convention consented to ratify the proposed Constitution :—the members for were 187; against, 168. Ardent, indeed, have been the labors of the Federalists,—anxious their hours by night, as well as by day. The decision of the great question amply rewards them l

We, the delegates of Newburyport and Newbery, anticipate the pleasure of taking you all by the hand on Friday evening or Saturday morning, proposing to take a coach or sley here, on Friday.

Some little ceremonies are yet necessary, for which purpose the Convention meet to-morrow. There is no doubt of our seeing you on Saturday. Please to acquaint your dear sister of this.

Time does not permit me to add, save my love, compliments, etc., as due, and that I am, with great regards,

Your aff. Brother,

Tristram Dalton.

His letters written from New York, while U. S. Senator, contain an account of the delay in the organization of the two Houses,—the inauguration of the President,— the question of presidential titles, the classifications of Senators,—the discussion of the bills concerning imposts, revenue, tonnage duties, duty on molasses, rum and tea,—the debates on the judiciary,-lighthouses, removal from office, and the permanent location of the seat of government. They contain nothing new on these different heads, but they are interesting as the statement of a witness who tells his story not from hearsay but from actual observation, and, like all such testimony, they help the imagination very much in reproducing the past. A few extracts must suffice.

New York, May 2, 1789. To M. Hodok, Esq. My Dkak Sir:

Enclosed you have the Gazette, which will hand the current news with us. The scene of Thursday was truly affecting. If it was possible, our beloved President ha.« increased the affections of all orders of people for him,—his speech to his " Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives" is esteemed a Master piece. I anticipate the pleasure that it will be received with by the People of the United States,—and the satisfaction that you will enjoy in reading it to the Gentlemen of the office. The graceful dignity with which he delivered it added, if ought could add, a greater weight to the noble, generous sentiments in the address.

The two houses have appointed Committees to report answers thereto : he will in them have no title given him but what the Constitution affixes to the office.

You will see by the public prints that the houses have a second time voted to lay an impost of 6 Cents pr gallon on Molasses. This second decision does not alter my opinion, suggested to you in my late letters, that the bill will wear a much better face before it is sent to the Senate. It cannot be finished in its present form. All the Members from Massachusetts, of both houses, are using their utmost endeavors to rectify the Ideas of Gentlemen whom they judge are wrongly informed. We cannot think that any measures will finally be adopted by the Majority but such as shall be esteemed for the best general good

New York, May 10W, 1789.

My Dear Sir:

I am obliged by the receipt of your kind advices under the 28th inst. and beg that you will continue to hand me the sentiments of Gentlemen with you on the business before Congress. They will serve, frequently, to give new Ideas,—always a confidence in our own.

The business of impost is still before the House of Representatives, —an endeavor was made yesterday to alter the system by lowering the duties generally,—on the question of reducing that on W. I. Rum, there appeared 20 pro., 25 con., so this idea did not prevail. I still retain the hopes of the impost on Molasses being very considerably reduced.

The papers will hand you the general news in this city. The V. President's speech to the Senate I am informed is much esteemed by the People in Massachusetts—it is so here. What do you say to that of the President delivered to Congress? It is here universally admired. It has served to increase, if possible, the affections of all orders and ranks. Be full—be particular in your letters.—Let me know every occurrence with you—every sentiment—every wish that may be thought useful in this my station

To serve my country is my highest ambition—to render agreeable

services to the Gentlemen of my Native Town, my greatest Pleasure.—

My best respects ever attend them—remaining with real regards, Dr. Sir,

Your affect friend,

M. Hodge, Esq. Tristram Dalton.

New York, May 17', 1789.

.... To-morrow at 11. Clock the Vice President & the Senate are to wait on the President at his own house with their address— which I think you will read with pleasure to the Gentlemen of the Office. There is to be no title in addition to that of President of the United States, not even "George Washington." A. Resolution entered on the Journals of the Senate, which will soon be published, contains the opinion of the Senate on this subject—and gives the reason for their complying, in this instance, with the form used by the other house. My Compliments to all friends must conclude me at present,—remaining with real regards,

Your affectionate friend,

M. Hodge, Esq. Tristram Dalton.

New York, May 80, 1789. M. Hodge, Esq.".

My Dear Sir: The various interests, as some suppose, oblige each one to be watchful of any proposition that may affect the State he represents, but every day's discussion tends to remove the illusion of their being different interests in the Union, and to prove that we are the several limbs of the same body—most intimately connected in point of interest—wound any member & the whole will feel the effects.

New York, June 2nd, 1789.


My Dear Sir There was a proposal to place 40 cents

pr hundred upon Iron imported,—this I opposed with success—and it stands among the 5 pr cent articles.—Everything that can affect shipbuilding I shall watch with a Jealous Eye—This manufacture appearing to me to deserve every encouragement upon National principles & the affection I feel for my Native Town adds force to my inclinations to protect a Business which is of so much Consequence.

This day the Senate have gone thro' the consideration of the Impost Bill—subject, however, to alterations in any way, at the next reading, when I shall place before them such arguments in favor of reducing the duty on Molasses still lower,—it standing at present at 4 cents,— as must obtain 1 Cent—a drawback on Rum manufactured from Molasses and exported to foreign ports will be allowed, nearly equal to the impost on the raw material

New York, June V, 1789. Mr. Dear Sir.

I have only a minute to acquaint you that the Senate have been, this forenoon, wholly on the duty on Molasses.—It is now put at 3 Cents pr gallon. From the disposition discovered, I suspect that the Issue of the whole matter in the Senate will be a proposition of Amendment by putting Molasses at two Cents and allowing no drawback on that or the Rum made from it.—This I shall not acquiesce in unless to prevent a worse Evil.

Yours affec W, M. Hodok, Esq. T. Dalton.

Mr. Morris was warm for its being kept at 4 Cents, as was Mr. Ellsworth, one of the best speakers in the Senate. The Question was tyed and the Vice President turned it in favor of the 3 Cents.

New York, Septem. 20, 1789.


My Dkak Sir The permanent residence Bill will not be

completed this session—great difficulties must present themselves in the prosecution of this affair, and for years to come real disadvantages accrue, if the Plan succeeds of fixing on any Country Place, distant from a large Town.

After spending a little more time on this business and vibrating from one proposed place to another, it is probable they will by and bye sit down in the neighborhood of Philadelphia. The Eastern Gentlemen were obliged to press the scheme for the Susquehanna, to prevent going to the Potomac. The Virginians & those who were violent for the latter are now much chagrined at their insisting on the Question's being brought on at this time

Boston, October 25, 1789. My Dear Sir.

I am favor'd with yours of the 24th and in presence of Capt. Wryer, Mr. Jackson & I have discoursed on the subject—many particulars have been mentioned, which the former will relate. The President of the U. States intends to leave this Town for Salem on Thursday—to be at Newburyport on Friday—whether at dinner or in the Evening is as yet uncertain—as soon as it is known you shall be advised—Mr. Lear, the Secretary of the President, goes in the Stage to-morrow for Portsmouth—It might be well for you to see him—It is the intention of the President not to make any private house his rendezvous. I wish that I could be more particular hut Capt. Wryer will convince you this is not at present in my power. I am, with sincere regards,

Dear Sir, Your friend,

T. Dalton. M. HonoK, Esq.

It is evident from Mr. Dalton's letters that his constituents were specially interested in the duties on rum and molasses. In his letter of May 30, 1789, he says, "The impost bill will come up to-morrow when every exertion shall be made by me to place molasses on a better footing. The Southern gentlemen say that they are sick of the word,—if they will disgorge one cent more we must make the best of it, Pennsylvania being against us in the Senate, and no state particularly interested in the business except Massachusetts. Brother Strong and myself have a hard and unequal battle. No difficulty, however, shall deter me from performing what I esteem to be my duty, — having discharged that, I rely on the candor and good-will of my fellow-citizens. Adien,—remember me to all friends, especially those concerned in the molasses trade."

In a letter of July, 1789, after commenting on the duties imposed on foreign rum as a compensation to the duties on molasses, he says, " I find that every one is pleased with the issue ; it is not so with me. The allowing of no drawback on country-made rum, exported to foreign markets, is totally un-commercial, and will affect our distilleries unless Congress shall, in a future day, restore the clause granting this encouragement to this most useful manufacture, considered in all its parts."

In looking over his letters, it is interesting to observe the imperfect and dilatory mode of communication existing lit that period, as compared with the facilities we now have. In a letter from New York to his friend Michael Hodge, of Sept. 20, 1789, he says, "Mrs. Dalton and the family arrived here safely in 7 days,—real dispatch for 300 miles." His family traveled in state, in a coach emblazoned with his coat of arms, with servants in livery, and four horses. In another letter of March 17, 1790. he says, "By the enclosed papers of this week, the public have been informed that a vessel is arrived at Newburyport from France, which brought an account of the King of France having escaped from that kingdom. Of course, gentlemen applied to me for particulars of this news,—I had none to give, and really suggested that this report must be without foundation, cause I had no advice of the same; for this reason also I felt easy as to myself. But Mr. Tracy tells me that he has a letter from Mr. Chapman, mentioning the arrival of a vessel at Newburyport from Bilboa which brings this same report. Judge you, then, how I must feel in being obliged to confess that not one of my friend!) has thought proper to give me even a hint of this."

In one or two letters of his, we get an indication of his views on the question of slavery. In one of May 17. 1790, in describing the duties which had been imposed on vessels, and on goods imported in American bottoms, he says, "a duty of ten dollars per head will be laid on imported negroes by a separate act, and the five per cent duty generally laid by the Bill in agitation not extended to this inhuman traffic." In another: " the House of Representatives have spent the last week upon the subject of slavery. I esteem it an unhappy question, because it tends to irritate, can answer no valuable purpose, and puts by the more essential business." What he meant by " more essential business" was the passage of the Bill to fund the National Debt, and the Bill concerning Navigation. In a letter of May 22, 1790, he writes: " Every obstruction will be thrown in the way of the navigation law. The Massachusetts members will support it most warmly. The passing of it, which is doubtful in the Senate, must benefit the Union, and materially affect the two eastern states. Then should we hear again the axe and the maul, and Merrimac resound the joyful noise." The disastrous effect of the war and of its immediate consequences upon the shipbuilding interest in Newburyport may be measured by the fact, that in 1772 ninety vessels were built here, and in 1778 only three.

It has been said that Mr. Dalton was superseded by Mr. Cabot, probably, because he was not sufficiently partisan to suit the leaders of the Federalists. He was a candidate for reelection, and his defeat was manifestly a serious disappointment to him, but he bore it so calmly and so philosophically that it only raises him in our regard and esteem. His letters, written at this time, in the confidence of friendship, to his intimate friend Mr. Hodge, contain not a trace of anger or vindictiveness, or of any mean quality. It is only a nature happily organized that can keep its temper under such a trial. In his letter of July 4, 1790, he says, speaking of his defeat, where men have behaved open, honest, candid, I can embrace them heartily, although their interest was not exerted in my favor. They have best promoted my own happiness. I feel pleasure in the anticipation of sitting down with my friends on the banks of the Merrimac. I never placed my hopes on the caprices of the people. They are on a better foundation, I trust." In an earlier letter of August 16, 17»9, he says, "many ill- natured reports are handed about, with intent to prejudice my character. Fortunately, they have been founded on the . most improbable grounds. ... I propose to continue a line of conduct which shall have for its basis liberality and the best general good ; and, for its reward, I hope to receive the approbation of the good citizens of this, our country." Such sentiments may be inconsistent with the spirit of extreme partisanship, but they do honor to him as a man. That his defeat, however, was a severe disappointment to him is clear from a passage in a letter of Fisher Ames to his friend Thomas Dwight, of June 27, 1790, where he says, "Poor D. suffers the pains of a public man. I cannot think that George Cabot will serve."

By his marriage with Ruth Hooper he had ten children ; four boys and six girls. Three of his daughters only lived to grow up. All of the boys and one of the girls died in childhood. The loss of his sons was a great affliction to him. In a letter written in 1790 to his friend Mr. Hodge, congratulating him on the safe return of his son John from a sea voyage, he says, " alas ! for me, I have no sons whose return I shall ever welcome." His eldest daughter, Mary, married Hon. Leonard White of Haverhill, at one time a member of Congress. His daughter Ruth married a Mr. Deblois, a merchant in Boston. Katherine was never married.

How the remainder of his life was passed after his public career was terminated by this defeat has already been, in brief, related.

Like his father, he belonged to the Episcopal church, and all his life was one of its most devoted and active members, contributing largely to its support and performing valuable services in its behalf. But in his religion, as in his politics, he was free from bigotry and sectarianism. The sweetness and liberality of his Christian spirit are beautifully illustrated in the following extract from a letter, written by him from Washington Jan. 25, 1812, to the ministers, wardens, and vestry of King's Chapel, Boston, in acknowledgment of an elegant copy of the Church liturgy. "In the evening of a long life, it affords me true joy and happiness to share the extension and increase of Christian charity among members of different sects; owing chiefly, I believe, to an appeal to the Holy Scriptures, from the defective bonds formed by men which have tended rather to divide than unite the disciples of Jesus Christ, who, having one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, ought to esteem each other as of one family, differing only in modes of worshipping the same God, Father of all."

Upon the whole, after a careful study of the man, with such means of information as are now available, he may be thus described:

Physically, he was well-built, largo and robust, with a fine, erect figure, an open, benevolent and handsome face, and that natural air of superiority which implies a fine organization. His mental powers, though good, were not remarkable. Sensible, intelligent and refined, there was nothing in the force or capacity of his mind to distinguish him from those of the class who had enjoyed, like him, the advantages of culture and of the best society. His moral nature was of the highest order. Kind, generous, temperate, upright, truthful and unselfish, in the social and domestic relations he was a model man, a dutiful son, a kind father, a good citizen and an ardent patriot. A man of emotions rather than of ideas, the warmth and depth and sincerity of his feelings lifted him above all personal considerations, and gave to him that elevation and nobility of character which appeal so strongly to our regard and affection. Take him for all in all, he was a fine specimen of an accomplished Christian gentleman of the old school,— with the class which was the best product of the colonial period, and which perished under the influence of the democratic ideas introduced by the Revolution.


George Washington's Inauguration:
The anxiously expected morning of Thursday, the thirtieth of April, was greeted with a national salute from the Bowling Green, and at an early hour the streets were filled with men and women, in their holiday attire, while every moment arrived new crowds from the adjoining country, by the road from King's Bridge, by ferry boats from more distant places, or by packets which had been all night on the Sound or coming down the Hudson. At eight o'clock some clouds about the horizon caused apprehensions of an unpleasant day; but when, at nine, the bells rung out a merry peal, and presently with a slower and more solemn striking, called from every steeple for the people to assemble in the churches "to implore the blessing of Heaven on the nation, its favor and protection to the President, and success and acceptance to his administration," the sun shone clearly down, as if commissioned to give assurance of the approbation of the Divine Ruler of the world.

As the people came out from the churches, where Livingston, Mason, Provoost, Rodgers, and other clergymen, had given passionately earnest and eloquent expression to that reverent and profound desire which filled all hearts - so universal was a religious sense of the importance of the occasion - the military began to march from their respective quarters, with flaunting banners, and the liveliest music. The principal companies were Captain Stake's troop of horse, equipped in the style of Lee's famous partisan legion; Captain Scriba's German Grenadiers, with blue coats, yellow waistcoats and breeches, black gaiters, and towering cone-shaped caps, faced with bear-skin; Captain Harsin's New York Grenadiers, composed, in imitation of the guard of the great Frederick, of only the tallest and finest-looking young men of the city, dressed in blue coats with red facings and gold lace broideries, cocked hats with white feathers, and white waistcoats and breeches, and black spatterdashes, buttoned close from the shoe to the knee; and the Scotch Infantry, in full highland costume, with bagpipes.

Inauguration Currier

Ralph Izard, Tristram Dalton, and Richard Henry Lee, on the part of the Senate, and Charles Carroll, Egbert Benson, and Fisher Ames, on the part of the House of Representatives, had been appointed a joint committee of arrangements, and the procession was formed under the immediate direction of Colonel Morgan Lewis, in Cherry street, opposite the President's house, at twelve o'clock. After the military came:

The Sheriff of the city and County of New York,

The Committee of the Senate,

George Washington,

The Comittee of the House of Representatives,

John Jay, Secretary for Foreign Affairs,

Henry Knox, Secretary of War,

Robert R. Livingston, Chancellor of the State of New York,

Distinguished Citizens.

The procession having marched through Queen, Great Dock, and Broad streets, until opposite Federal Hall, the troops formed a line on each side of the way, through which the President, with his attendants, was conducted to the chamber of the Senate, where the members of the House of Representatives had a few minutes before assembled, and at the door the Vice President received him and waited upon him to the chair.

The Vice President then said, "Sir, the Senate and House of Representatives of the United states are ready to attend you to take the oath required by the Constitution, which will be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New York."

The President answered, "I am ready to proceed."

The Vice President and the Senators led the way, and, accompanied by the Chancellor, and followed by the Representatives, and other public characters present, he then walked to the outside gallery, from which Broad street and Wall street, each way, were perceived to be filled, as with a sea of upturned faces, but as silent as if the immense concourse had been statues instead of living men.

The spectacle must have been in the highest degree interesting and serious. In the centre, between two pillars, was seen the commanding figure of Washington, in a coat, waistcoat, and breeches, of fine dark brown cloth, and white silk stockings, all of American manufacture, plain silver buckles in his shoes, his head uncovered, and his hair dressed in the prevailing fashion of the time. On one side stood the Chancellor, in a full suit of black cloth, and on the other the Vice President, dressed more showily, but like the President entirely in American fabrics. Between the President and the Chancellor was Mr. Otis, Secretary of the Senate, a small short man, holding an open Bible upon a rich crimson cushion, and conspicuous in the group were Roger Sherman, General Knox, General St. Clair, Baron Steuben, and others whose names were equally dear and familiar to the people.

A gesture of the Chancellor arrested the attention of the immense assembly, and he pronounced slowly and distinctly the words of the oath. The Bible was raised, and as the President bowed to kiss its sacred pages, he said audibly, "I swear," and added, with fervor, his eyes closed, that his whole soul might be absorbed in the supplication, "So help me God!"

Then the Chancellor said, "It is done," and, turning to the multitude, waved his hand, and with a loud voice exclaimed, "Long live George Washington, President of the United States!"

Immediately the air was filled with acclamations and the roar of cannon; the President bowed, and again and again the welkin rung with the plaudits of happy and grateful citizens, who felt that Heaven had granted all their reasonable petitions, and that the New Era dreamed of by sages and celebrated by orators and bards was now completely inaugurated.

"The scene," writes one who was present to his correspondent in Philadelphia, "was solemn and awful beyond description. It would seem extraordinary that the administration of an oath, a ceremony so very common and familiar, should in so great a degree excite the pubic curiosity; but the circumstances of the President's election, the impression of his past services, the concourse of spectators, the devout fervency with which he repeated the oath, and the reverential manner in which he bowed down and kissed the sacred volume, all these conspired to render it one of the most august and interesting spectacles ever exhibited. ... It seemed, from the number of witnesses, to be a solemn appeal to Heaven and earth at once. In regard to this great and good man I may perhaps be an enthusiast, but I confess that I was under an awful and religious persuasion, that the gracious Ruler of the Universe was looking down at that moment with peculiar complacency on an act which to a part of his creatures was so very important." Under this impression, he proceeds to say that when the Chancellor proclaimed Washington President, his sensibility was so excited that he could do no more than wave his hat with the rest, without the power of joining in the repeated acclamations which rent the air.


The Daltons of Hampton, Philemon’s descendants, by Millicent V. Craig:
The seven generations coming after Philemon Dalton are listed, as the same family Christian names are repeated. This long article details the fourth to sixth generations. In the fourth generation, Samuel’s son Isaac and his descendants are discussed. The epidemic of a throat infection killed over 2000 people in Massachusetts in 1736 and 7, including four of Isaac Dalton’s children.

Isaac decided to go to fight the French at Cape Breton, and he wrote home from Louisburg on 16th October, 1745.. He died soon afterwards, and his widow Mary got £40 for his wages at Cape Breton. His inventory showed that he had little else to leave. Including the proceeds from some land and the £40, the total was £465. Legal fees were £247, leaving only £218 for a lifetime’s work.. In 1754, Mary’s dower rights to live in the farmhouse were recognized, but she had to bring up 5 children. So she had to petition several times for a few pounds a year for their survival. She died in 1758. Sixteen years after Isaac’s death, his estate was finally settled between his surviving children.

In the fifth generation, Isaac’s son Samuel earned a living as a shipwright, and raised six children. At his death, he left £56.7s. But his debts were £71.7s1d, so his estate was declared insolvent.

Two of Sam’s children were Deacon Isaac Dalton and Captain John Dalton. Isaac died in 1838 and a covered bridge at Warner, New Hampshire, is a memorial to him. He left one son John who became a doctor, and a second son Isaac who was a Colonel in the state militia. Deacon Isaac’s brother Jonathan was a sailor and little is know about him except that he sailed to the Orient and brought back cargos of silks and spices. His ship sank in a storm in 1802 and he died then aged 35. His inventory shows that he was well off with a mansion and furnishing valued at $3615, an interest in a ship value $2250 with insurance money and cash $1500. The total of the estate when a few debts had been settled, was $6500. He left one son John who also became a doctor.


Some history of Old Hampton in New Hampshire: By Newton Marshall Hall.
First called the Plantation of Winnacunnet, Hampton was one of four original New Hampshire townships chartered by the General Court of Massachusetts, which then held authority over the colony. "Winnacunnet" is an Algonquian Abenaki word meaning "pleasant pines". The town was settled in 1638 by a group of parishioners led by Reverend Stephen Bachiler, who had formerly preached at the settlement's namesake: Hampton, England. Incorporated in 1639.

On the morning of the 14th of October, 1638, there was unusual excitement in the little settlement of Newbury on the Merrimac. Men and women left axe and loom, and came trooping down to the riverbank to say farewell to a company which was to sail away to found a new plantation in the wilderness. It was not along nor an adventurous voyage which their shallop made, down to the sea with the tide, and across a short stretch of blue water to another river which came winding through level marshes. Winacunnet (beautiful place of pines) the Indians called the broad reaches of fertile salt meadow and pine-clad upland which Father Bachiler had previously explored and had pronounced, with the customary shrewdness of the English pioneer, "a reasonable meet place for a settlement." With a favoring wind and tide, the end of the voyage must have been reached before nightfall, and in the morning no doubt work was begun which must needs have been extraordinarily diligent if comfortable homes were provided before winter.

In a region so beautiful as well as "meet," the location of the first houses seems a strange one. Probably the edges of the marshy tract of land known as the "Ring Swamp" were selected through some consideration of shelter in the shadow of the black woods or of convenience to field and stream, not now apparent. One of the early acts of the settlers was characteristic: they promptly changed the musical Indian name of the place to plain Hampton, not for Hampton Court as has been supposed, but in honor of old Southampton. Although this was the first permanent settlement of Hampton, a house had been built two years before within the limits of the town. This building, known as the "Bound House," has a somewhat mythical character. There is a record of the General Court of Massachusetts, granting power to "presse" men to build the house; but where it was located, or whether it was ever occupied, were matters of dispute even fifty years later.

Father Bachiler and his company must have known, when they received the generous grant of one hundred square miles from Massachusetts, that the gift was of a somewhat dubious nature. They were in fact, as well as the settlers at Exeter and Dover, trespassers upon what Captain John Mason considered his baronial demesne. The bluff old governor of Newfoundland was not the man to submit in silence to such an invasion of his rights. The bitter controversy which he began with Massachusetts, and later with the New Hampshire settlers, was carried on by his heirs, until the large family property was exhausted, and the Revolution put an end to all proprietary claims. The history of this contest, to be found now in fragmentary for only, in musty law reports, in family and town records, is one of romantic and absorbing interest. What a splendid dream it was which came to Mason and his friend Gorges, as they sat smoking Virginia tobacco in the dingy London office of the wealthy merchant! On the banks of our humble Piscataqua they built in fancy grander castles than ever graced the Rhine; they saw rich vineyards stretch away, and long trains of Indian slaves brining down from the mysterious hills of the North gold and silver and furs and perhaps even the "Great Carbuncle" itself. Is it any wonder, then, that Mason's indignation rose, when the crop-headed Puritans from Massachusetts invaded his estates, bringing with them all sorts of ideas subversive of proprietary ownership? Moreover, Mason's title to the soil was unquestionably valid. The claim of Massachusetts was based upon the somewhat ambiguous wording of the charter, and it was never sustained before any impartial tribunal.

As for the men of Hampton, they cared not a fig for Mason or Massachusetts, so long as they remained undisturbed in the occupancy of their rich farms, and they fought either claimant with equal cheerfulness as occasion demanded. The most interesting period of the controversy was between the years 1682 and 1685, when Robert Mason, with the assistance of his tyrannical governor Cranford, made a desperate attempt to levy taxes upon the unwilling inhabitants of New Hampshire. During these stormy years the colony, and particularly the town of Hampton, was practically in a state of insurrection.

In 1683 occurred what has been somewhat pretentiously called "Gove's Rebellion." Edward Gove was a prosperous farmer of Hampton, who indignation got the better of his judgment. He went from house to house, "talking seditiously," as witnesses afterward testified, announcing that his "sword was drawn" and that he "would not put it down until he knew who held the government." On the twenty-seventh of January, he rode into Hampton at the head of a company of twelve followers, Exeter and Hampton men, with swords brandished and a trumpet blowing. The authorities of the town were not intimidated by this warlike display, but promptly suppressed Gove and his incipient rebellion. At a subsequent trial the leader of the outbreak was convicted of treason and sentenced to be drawn and quartered. The sentence was not executed, but the unfortunate man passed two years in close confinement in the Tower of London. Resistance did not end however. Everywhere the officials of the hated government were defied and assaulted. At Dover, an enterprising officer attempted to levy an execution while the people were at church, whereupon he was promptly knocked down, the weapon being a Bible in the hands of a person whom the good old historical Belknap admiringly calls "a young heroine." At Hampton a sheriff was seized and cruelly beaten. After he had fallen exhausted in the snow, a noose was adjusted suggestively about his neck and he was driven out of the colony, bound upon the back of a horse. Mason was himself assaulted in his house at Portsmouth by two men who threw him into the great open fire, "where," he says in his interesting deposition, "my coat, perriwig & stockings were burnt, & had it not been for ye Dept. Governor, I doe verily believe I had been murthered." Truly, the lines did not fall in altogether pleasant places for a Lord Proprietor of New Hampshire, in the good old colony days. Not unnaturally discouraged, Mason soon after sailed for England, to renew his hopeless struggle in the courts.

Meanwhile the Hampton folk were building up a village commonwealth of their own, quite regardless of Mason's dreams of manor houses and landed estates. They were not always peaceable among themselves, they were no doubt bigoted and superstitious; and yet there was enough of sturdy independence, of downright common sense, of originality and shrewdness, to make the story of their lives of interest and value.

It is remarkable how naturally these men, who had never owned a foot of land, who had lived so long under civil and religious exactions, reverted to the simple and democratic institutions of their Saxon ancestors. From the very first day, it was not Stephen Bachiler or any other leading spirit who governed the community; it was the voice of the majority of freemen in open meeting assembled, where each man had his say without let or hindrance. So much importance was placed upon this meeting in the early days, that the penalty for non-attendance was a heavy fine. The rules of order adopted in 1641 were simple and dignified. The meetings were opened and closed by prayer. A moderator presided, who was chosen at each session. When anyone spoke, he must "putt off his hatt," he must not interrupt another, and he might speak "only twice or thrice to the same business," without special leave. It is to be feared, however, that the meetings were not always as decorous as these excellent rules would imply, for a later vote was passed as follows: "Itt is ordered yt if any prson shall discharge a Gunn in the Meeting House, or in any other House without leave of the owner or Householder, Hee or they shall forfeit five shillings: nor shall any prson Ride or lead a Horse into this Meeting House under the like penalty."

Membership in the community was rightly esteemed a valuable privilege and it was not lightly bestowed. Paupers and criminals were rigorously excluded, and no one was permitted, under heavy penalties, to harbor strangers who did not possess proper credentials. None of the village communities of New England showed greater wisdom in the disposal of its public land than did Hampton. The General Court of Massachusetts granted to each of the original settlers a house lot, and all rights to the remaining soil were vested in the town. For many years much of this land was, under restrictions, the common property of all householders. What was practically a forestry commission was early appointed. It was the duty of three men who were called "wood-wards" to see that no trees were cut without permission, and to regulate the amount of timber which might be used for legitimate purposes during the year. Certain great tracts of marsh land were held in common and used for pasturage. The marsh which lies to the south and west of the highway which now leads from the village to Boar's Head was called the "great ox common." Into these commons the cattle were turned at certain seasons of the year, under the charge of a herdsman appointed by the town. At various times in later years these public tracts were divided into equal shares, and these shares were apportioned by lot to the various householders of the town. Certain rights in common were even then reserved, and it is only within recent years that all the public lands have passed unreservedly into private hands.

No sooner had the first settlers provided a shelter for themselves than they erected a meeting-house, a primitive structure of logs which was rebuilt in 1650, this in turn giving place to new structures in 1675 and 1719. None of these meeting-houses made any pretence to architectural beauty, except the last, which was ornamented by the addition of a "turret." The first church was unusually fortunate in possessing a small bell, the gift of Father Bachiler, which called the worshippers to service, instead of the customary conch-shell or drum. There were no pews in the first houses, and the people sat on wood benches, the women on one side, the men on the other. A committee was appointed to "seat the meeting-house," which must have been a sufficiently difficult and delicate task, even in those days. The order of seating has in many cases been preserved in the records. One of these memoranda reads as follows: "the ferst seett next Mistriss whelewrit ould mistriss husse her dafter husse goody swaine goody Pebody goody brown mistriss stanyan Mary Perkenges;"--which would mean that the seat of honor, next Parson Wheelwright's wife, was reserved for the aged Mistress Hussey and her daughter; Goodwives Swaine, Peabody and Brown, Mistress Stanyan, and Mary Perkins. There was of course no way of heating the church, and even these sturdy Puritans were obliged to defer somewhat to the rigor of the New England winter. It was intended at first to hold communion eight times a year. "But finding ye days in winter so short and sharp, it was thought meet to omit yt of ye winter quarter viz between December 1 & March 1 & so to hold it but seven times a year." Across the end of the church a gallery was built, where all the children of the village sat together. Under these circumstances it may be easily understood why it was necessary to detail two elderly and reponsible [sic] "inhabitants" to remain in the gallery to see that its occupants should sit "orderly and inoffensively."

Hampton was fortunate in having among its early pastors men whose ability was recognized throughout New England. Stephen Bachiler, the first pastor and the founder of the town, deserves more than a passing mention. He was a man over whose life hangs the shadow of a mystery. Was he stern and morose, subject to violent outbreaks of passion? Did he carry through life, like Arthur Dimesdale, the burden of a secret sin? Was his old age blackened by scandalous conduct? Or was he a man of heroic mould, moved by a serene and dauntless purpose, who life was at last thwarted and ruined by the attacks of relentless enemies? There is ground for each of these views in the scraps of legend and history which have come down to us. He was born in England in 1561, and was accordingly an old man when he settled at Hampton. An early dissenter, he "suffered much from the bishops," and in common with other Puritans found refuge in Holland. He may have witnessed the sailing of the Mayflower; at all events, an adventurous and restless spirit like his could hardly have failed to be aroused by the stories of the new land of freedom, which must have been eagerly told in the little colony of refugees. A company of which he was the pastor and leader was formed to follow in the Mayflower's wake to New England. This organization was called the "Company of the Plough," perhaps because a plough was prominent in the Bachiler coat-of-arms. All preparations were made for departure, when sudden misfortune fell upon the project. Through a dishonest agent all the property of the company was lost. Dismayed by the disaster, Bachiler returned to England. But a romance had been going on in his family, which was destined to have far-reaching consequences. Christopher Hussey, a young Quaker of Dorking, had fallen in love with Theodate, Stephen Bachiler's fair daughter. However liberal the Puritan preacher might be in other respects, he was orthodox on the subject of Quakers. He would have no broad-beavered follower of Fox in his family, and he sternly forbade the match. The young Quaker may have reflected that there were creeds many but only one Theodate Bachiler, for he renounced his religion and married the Puritan's daughter. After such unfaithfulness to his beliefs, it is a little singular that he should have become the ancestor of the Quaker poet Whittier. The young couple bravely set their faces westward. They made a home in Lynn, and two years later were followed by Bachiler and several members of the little church which he had previously founded in Holland, and which he immediately reorganized at Lynn without the permission of the colonial government. Quarrels arose, which resulted in the summary removal of Bachiler from the colony. Followed by his devoted church, he started on foot in the dead of winter to found a colony at Yarmouth on the Cape. The enterprise ended in failure, and must have been attended with much suffering. Returning to Newbury, the grant of Hampton was secured, and its settlement successfully accomplished. After such desert wanderings the fair fields of Winacunnet must have seemed like the promised land to the travel-worn and buffeted little church. But even here there was to be no peace for the aged pastor. Shortly after the settlement, Timothy Dalton was chosen pastor's assistant, or "teacher," as he was universally called. The two men were not congenial; jealousies and bitterness arose, and for the next eight years the church seems to have been in a continual brawl. The majority of the church finally turned against their old leader; he was charged with immoral conduct, disgraced and excommunicated, and although afterward restored to fellowship he was never permitted to resume his office. It is at this period that Whittier pictures his "half mythical ancestor," in "The Wreck of Rivermouth."

"And Father Dalton, grave and stern,

Sobbed through his prayer and wept in turn.

But his ancient colleague did not pray,

Because of his sin at fourscore years;

He stood apart, with the iron-gray

Of his strong brows knitted to hide his tears."

The parish records of the unromantic suburb of London, Hackney, show that "the ancient Stephen Bachiler of Hampton, New Hampshire," died there in the one-hundreth year of his age. From the glimpses we have of him, we may infer that the founder of Hampton was a bold and original spirit, tenacious of purpose even to obstinacy. He must have possessed some strong and winning traits of character, or he never could have retained so long the loyal devotion of his followers. There can be no doubt, however, that the fairer and more attractive side of his nature was marred by occasional lapses of judgment, and even by serious irregularity of conduct. He seems to have lacked at critical times that moral dignity and self-control essential to religious leadership.

Of Timothy Dalton we know very little. He was in good repute with the authorities of the province, and he seems to have had the confidence of the majority of the church in his controversy with Stephen Bachiler. At his death the town records commended him as "a faithful and painful laborer in God's vineyard."


Historic homes of New England By Mary Harrod Northend:
Because of the distinctive place that houses of the middle period hold in the present architectural world, architects from all over the country are now looking for specimens of these dwellings to which they may turn for copy. The master builders of that time knew well their art, and their work is characteristic of us as a nation. Houses of that period, while comparatively similar in type to those of the old world, yet show enough variation to make them interesting, and stand in favorable comparison. There is the large, square house, three stories in height, which came into vogue early in the nineteenth century. Then there is the double-decked house with its roof ornamentations, and the plain house of the purest colonial type, an illustration of the latter being the Dalton house at Newburyport, Massachusetts.

This house stands on the principal street in Newburyport, a seaport city, where in the days of commercial prosperity ships lined the wharves, as they came and went in their traffic with foreign lands. Those were the days when merchants made and lost fortunes, the days of golden prosperity and of flashes of romance. To these days we turn as a most interesting period of our country's architectural history.

In fancy we see the Newburyport of that day, situated on the banks of the Merrimac River, a breezy old town propped up on a granite base. Its principal street, three miles in length, overlooked the quays, where in the olden days vessels arrived from Russia or Antwerp or perhaps from the West Indies, laden with rich furs, strange wooden shoes, guava jellies, wonderful old shawls, and many other exports that were piled high on the now silent wharves.

On this the principal street stands the Dalton house, two and a half stories in height, with gambrel roof and a wide, inviting porch —' a mansion that suggests the days when money was piled high in the coffers and when the prosperous men flaunted their wealth, spending it freely, not only in frequent entertainments but in equipages that were the envy of the less fortunate townsmen. There were no more beautiful or expensive carriages than

those owned by Tristram Dalton, who succeeded his father, Michael Dalton, in the ownership of the house.

When the mansion was first built, there was a spacious estate in keeping with the house instead of the limited grounds that we see to-day. At the rear, just back of the courtyard, were large, well-built stables, in which were sheltered fine horses. Beyond, were gardens and grass lands, for, when the estate was first planned, it consisted of three acres of land bounded westerly on Green- leaf's Lane, southerly on Nathan Male's land, easterly on Newman's land, and northeast or northerly on the land of James Pierson.

Michael Dalton, who built the house in 1720, was a great-grandson of Philemon Dalton, who came to New England in 1635. Michael was very ambitious, and when quite young he left his father's home to engage in a seafaring life. He made many successful voyages and augmented his wealth to such a degree that he added greatly to the family possessions. Later on he became a prominent merchant, and married in 1733 one Mary Little. His means continuing to increase, he became interested in agricultural pursuits and bought a country estate at Pipestave Hill at West Newbury. Just before his death, he deeded his house to his son Tristram Dalton, who became a prominent figure in American history.

Tristram Dalton was graduated from Harvard in 1755. There is still seen in the house a portrait supposed to have been painted at about that time, One of his closest intimates was a classmate, John Adams, their friendship ending only with death. Young Dalton began studying law in Salem but afterwards entered business with his father; in 1758 he married Ruth Hooper, the daughter of Robert Hooper, a rich merchant of Marblehead, familiarly known as "King" Hooper on account of his great wealth. Until within the last few years there was a pane of glass in one of the windows, on which was written with a diamond the name of Ruth Hooper Dalton. It is still preserved and from letters kept is shown to be a perfect facsimile of her handwriting.

During his life, he became devoted to public interests and was a very prominent citizen of the town, the State, and nation. He served on numerous town committees, was a delegate to the Provincial Congress, a representative of the General Court, a Speaker of the House, a member of the State Senate and a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1788, being a zealous advocate of the adoption of the Constitution. He was ever active and energetic in his many efforts to reconcile political differences. So successful was his political life that after a long and sharply contested battle he was elected senator from 1789-1791.

He came of Irish descent and was considered one of the most learned, wealthy, and influential persons in the country. He was a near and confidential friend of President Washington, who induced him to remove his household goods to the city of Washington, foreseeing that it would eventually become one of the grandest cities in the country. There is a portrait of Dalton painted by Blackburn, that is still kept in the house, which shows him tall and well-formed, with fine, clear complexion and smooth, open brow. His dress was after the fashion of the time, with short clothes and knee breeches, coat with standing collar and broad deep lapels faced with silk, white satin waistcoat, ruffled shirt bosom, and deep lace cuffs. That he was fond of dress is shown from the picture. His hair was puffed on either side, giving him an appearance of dignity and age, and making it difficult to believe that the portrait is of one so young. He was a fine specimen of a gentleman of the old school and was well fitted to take a leading part in the best New England societies. The distinguishing traits of his personality continued all through his life, for even as late as 1816 we read of him as erect, firm, and showing a fine presence. He was a man of emotions rather than of ideas, the warmth and sincerity of his feelings lifting him above all personal considerations and giving him that elevation and nobility of character that appeals so strongly to one's affections.

At that period the Dalton house was noted for its hospitality, and many men of national and world-wide fame, whose portraits hang upon the walls to-day, were entertained therein. Stately hospitality continually opened the door of this dwelling, to which had been brought from the treasure-laden ships embroidered shawls, sheer muslins, and bright silks for the ladies, as well as rich furniture for the house. During the Daltons' life here, their house was a perfect treasure-house of wonderfully fine old furniture, now generally scattered among the descendants; but there are still kept in the mansion some wonderfully fine specimens of Hepplewhite chairs, originally owned by the Daltons.

They were lavish entertainers, these Daltons, and it was here that Washington came during a visit to Newburyport. He later writes that he partook of an early breakfast at the home of his friend, Honorable Tristram Dalton, on State Street. While he was being entertained at this meal, an imperative voice was heard in the hallway demanding entrance to the dining-room. Washington recognized the voice of his old servitor, Toffee, and requested that he be admitted. The most cordial greeting took place between the two, and the old commander gave to Toffee a silver piece which the servant wore about his neck all the rest of his life. It must have been an early breakfast, for Washington left town at eight o'clock in the morning, crossing the river at Salisbury, two miles above. This was no uncommon deviation for the president, as we find that while visiting New England he was often entertained at the houses of private citizens and personal friends.

In addition to George Washington, President Monroe, Talleyrand, Jefferson in 1784, Lafayette in 1824, John Quincy Adams, and John Hancock were also among the personages of note who accepted the hospitality of this house.

On September 13, 1775, Colonel Benedict Arnold, at the head of his troops, left Cambridge, dining at Mr. Tristram Dalton's on the Monday following, before sailing from Newburyport to aid in the capture of Quebec. The fleet consisted of eleven sailing vessels, which carried eleven hundred men.

In those days lavish wealth blazed in the town, and the owner of the Dalton house made the people sigh as he drove into town or to his country-seat at Pipestave Hill in his white satin lined coach drawn by six prancing white horses, with four outriders in white livery. Inside were such guests as Talleyrand, George Peabody, and even that eccentric personage, Lord Timothy Dexter, who had the ambition to figure in genteel society and cultivated as much as possible the society of Dalton. His coaches and open phaetons drawn by two or three spans of horses with the liveried outriders, after the style of the nobility of Europe, were more magnificent than were those of any other citizen of the town. His sideboards were weighted with silver, and his chests filled with money, for the incoming ships brought back great bags of gold realized by the sale of cargoes in foreign lands, and large amounts of money were kept in the house by the merchant princes of that day.

In addition to his large house in Newburyport, and his country-seat at Pipestave Hill, Mr. Dalton had his fishing station, with boats and outfits, on the banks of the Merrimac, while his hunting lodge was in the upper woods of West Newbury. All his surroundings were of a princely nature, befitting the fortune that he owned.

In the division of the upper commons, so called, among the freeholders and inhabitants of the town of Newbury, in 1686, the first division of the freehold lots began at the Emery farm just above the Artichoke River, each lot stretching from the Merrimack River to the Bradford road. In this division, lot No. 12 was given to William Chandler for William Berry's freehold right.

Some years later, Michael Dalton, then a prosperous and influential merchant, living on Fish Street, Newbury,— now State Street, Newburyport,— bought of different owners two hundred acres of land, including the lot granted by the town of Newbury to Joseph Knight, on the summit of Pipe Stave Hill, and there erected a fine house, which he occupied as a country seat until his death in 1770.

His son, Tristram Dalton, then came into possession of the property, and found pleasure and profit in the ownership and management of this attractive and productive farm. He was liberal in his household expenditures, and with lavish hospitality entertained many distinguished travellers at his country home.

Brissot de Warville, in his Travels in America , says:

We left Portsmouth on Sunday, and came to dine at Mr. Dalton's, five miles from Newbury, on the Merrimack. This is one of the finest situations that can be imagined. It presents an agreeable prospect of seven leagues. This farm is extremely well arranged. I saw on it thirty cows, numbers of sheep, etc., and a well-furnished garden. Mr. Dalton occupies himself much in gardening, a thing generally neglected in America. He has fine apples, grapes, and pears; but he complains that children steal them, an offence readily pardoned in a free country,

Mr. Dalton received me with that frankness which bespeaks a man of worth and talents; with that hospitality which is more general in Massachusetts and New Hampshire than in the other States.

The Americans are not accustomed to what we call grand feasts. They treat strangers as they treat themselves every day, and they live well. They say they are not anxious to starve themselves the week in order to gormandize on Sunday. This trait will paint to you a people at their ease, who wish not to torment themselves for show.

Mr. Dalton's house presented me with the image of a true patriarchal family and of great domestic felicity. It is composed of four or five handsome young women, drest with decent simplicity, his amiable wife, and his venerable father of eighty years. This respectable old man preserves a good memory, a good appetite, and takes habitual exercise. He has no wrinkles in his face, which seems to be a characteristic of American old age. At least, 1 have observed it.

Samuel Breck, who was born in Boston July 17, 1771, and in 1792 removed to Philadelphia, where he died Aug. 31, 1862, was a visitor at Pipe Stave Hill when quite a young man; and on page 97 of his Diary and Recollections, edited by Mr. H. E. Scudder and published in 1877, there is an interesting description of Tristram Dalton's country home, which reads as follows:

During the year 1787 I made many excursions around the country, and among them one in company with my sister Hannah (now Mrs. Lloyd) to Newburyport, to visit our friend Tristram Dalton. That gentleman lived in elegance and comfort at a very beautiful country house four miles from Newburyport during the summer, and in winter occupied his spacious mansion in that town. I do not recollect any establishment in our country, then or now, that contained generally so many objects fitted to promote rational happiness. From the piazza or front part of his country-house the farms were so numerous and the villages so thickly planted that eighteen steeples were in view. This villa was large, well built, and surrounded by an excellent dairy and other outhouses. His family, consisting wholly of women, was extremely hospitable; and no man in Massachusetts had more dignified or polished manners than Mr. Dalton himself. It was among these good people we went to spend a few days, and most happily did we pass them. Respectable and amiable family, how enviable was your situation at that time ! And who would have thought that in a few years all this elegance and contentment were to give place to sorrow and poverty? In 1789 the establishments were broken up, Mr. Dalton became a politician. Popular favor flattered him, and step by step ambition lured him from his delightful abode. Happening to be a member of the State legislature at the time it was called upon by the new constitution to choose a senator to Congress, he was unluckily elected. Then came the bustle and expense of a suitable outfit. Home, that dear home where so much felicity had been enjoyed, was forsaken,— temporarily, as they first supposed, but everlastingly, as it turned out. The whole family removed to New York, where Congress then sat. A large house was taken, and a course of fashionable life adopted. Expenses increased with dissipation; a relish for gay and foolish extravagance became habitual; and Mr. Dalton, who thought himself elected for six years, drew in the classification of senators that took place in the first Congress the lot which terminated his senatorial career in two years, and he was not re-elected. Then was the time for him to have returned home. But caressed by President Washington, and fascinated by the gaudy pleasures of a city life, he followed the government to Philadelphia, and afterwards (in 1801) to the city of Washington. There he gradually consumed his fortune, dwindled into a dependent man, died insolvent, and left his lady-like and amiable widow so poor that she was obliged, at more than seventy years of age, to open a boarding-house in the neighborhood of Boston. I was attached by feelings of respect and warm regard to that estimable family, and very sincerely regretted its downfall.

Sept. 20, 1794, Tristram Dalton sold to Joseph Stanwood, of Newburyport, merchant, for .£3,700, his farm in Newbury, consisting of three pieces of land on Pipe Stave and Archelaus Hills, containing about one hundred and ninety-four acres, the mansion house standing on the forty-acre lot, etc.

At the Dalton house, were many weddings that took place, among them being that of Mary, the eldest daughter of Tristram Dalton, who, upon her marriage to Honorable Leonard White of Haverhill, "drove out" in the large white satin coach drawn by six prancing white horses with four white-liveried outriders. Later on, her sister Ruth married Louis Deblois, a prominent Boston merchant, leaving her home in the same coach.

The house itself is one of the best preserved buildings of that day. It has never deteriorated, always being occupied by people of wealth. With the growth of building in the town, the estate has become reduced, until there is now very little of the original tract left. The courtyard has disappeared, as have the expensive stables, for with the dwindling of wealth the need of them has vanished. The house, which was built in 1720, is of gambrel- roof type and a fine example of that period. The blinds are the same ones that were hung at the time when Michael Dalton built the house. Its facade, the lines of which are dignified, seems beaming with welcome.

Entrance to the house is through a colonial porch of ample dimensions, showing dentition, which is supported by Corinthian columns; the hall is lighted by a fan-light and sidelights on either side the wide, hospitable door. The exterior is painted white, as it always has been. A feature of the house is the wide clapboards. The original small-paned windows have been kept, so that the exterior remains practically unchanged. Who the carver was is unknown. It must be remembered that in those days ship carvers were employed to work upon the ornamentation of the ships, so that it was probably some one employed by the Daltons on their vessels who designed and carried out the carving of the woodwork, both on the exterior and in the interior.

The entrance door gives into a large hall with wonderfully fine panellings on either side. Each of the three balusters has a different design. The stairs are box stairs leading by low treads to a wide landing, where a colonial window admits a flood of light to the hall. A second low flight of stairs leads to the second story, where the hall corresponds with the lower one. It is here the Hepplewhite chairs are found and also a wonderful picture of the late Tristram Dalton, painted later in life than the one already mentioned. The woodwork in this house is considered the finest to be found in any house in Newburyport. The hall is finished in panel effects, but the door-casings and the fireplaces in many instances show rich hand-carving.

The house contains twenty-five rooms, sixty cupboards, and ample halls, and yet even then was scarcely large enough to accommodate the Dalton family, their many guests, and their servants. Many of the latter were slaves, who in those days were kept in the household. One of them was buried on Burying Hill in Newburyport, and on a stone placed at the head of his grave is carved "Faithful Pompey."

The living-room, or drawing-room as it was called in those days, is a large, square room that is at the left of the hallway. In this room are shown the pictures of many of the distinguished guests who in former years were visitors at the house and intimate friends of the owner. The fireplace is a large one, the woodwork hand-carved, and in the large panels above has been inserted the Dalton coat of arms. The windows are recessed, showing window-seats; each one has the hinged shutter such as was used in the early days for security, being closed and barred every night. These are still used in this same way in this mansion today. A feature of this room is the fine wood- carving shown in the casing of the door. At one side, hanging on the wall, is a scrap of the old wall-paper that once adorned the wall. It is of seventeenth-century pattern, with garlands, and is finished in light colors and pink groundwork, a delicate and most unusual wall-paper. This is the only room in the house, so far as is known, which was covered with the old-time wall-paper.

At the right are double parlors which may have been used for dining-room, or living-room and dining-room, combined. Here are also found wonderful paneling’s, but very little of the elaborate hand-carving. All of the wood in this house, as in most of the houses of the same period, is of white pine, for this wood is considered one of the best wearing kinds that has ever grown. The timbers are of solid oak and are as staunch as they were in the days when the house was built. In these rooms have been entertained the dignitaries of the land, while in the parlor were celebrated the marriages of the daughters of the. household.

The mansion has an atmosphere of attraction and spaciousness rarely found in houses of this description. It is shown in the abundance of light and in the arrangement of the rooms, which have been planned for elaborate entertaining. At the rear of the house are the servants' quarters. The large, old-fashioned fireplace, where in former days the cooking for the Dalton family was done, is now a thing of the past, modern appliances having replaced the spit and the large brick oven. The ell of the house, a part of which was removed, was originally nearly as large as the main portion. It was once used exclusively for servants' quarters, and even then was barely large enough for the enormous retinue that was needed to run the Dalton household.

Up-stairs the rooms correspond to the large ones downstairs, with the exception that on the right-hand side a partition divides what was formerly a large room into two smaller ones. These rooms still show the same fine paneling, the old-time brass locks and hardware that were features of the house at the time of its building. They have never been replaced by modern fixtures.

The third story was used for guests' rooms, the slope of the roof being eliminated by boarding the gambrel roof so as to make square chambers. The old chimneys, six feet square, have been taken down, and small ones have replaced them. The railing of this house, which was originally a two decked, has been removed and while not materially changing its appearance, still gives it a little different look. An iron fence has been substituted for the old paling fence which once enclosed the grounds, while new posts have replaced the old ones. The courtyard is grassed over, also the space between house and fence, and a wide, paved stone walk leads to the entrance porch. In 1796 this house was sold, together with Dalton's other residences, after he had been defeated for re-election, a serious disappointment, although his letters written at the time do not show any signs of anger or ill-nature.

The Pipestave Hill Great Farm residence was sold for thirty-seven hundred pounds, while his land on State Street brought a much lower sum. The house was practically cleared of all the Dalton furniture, the household goods being carefully packed and shipped on a sailing vessel bound to Georgetown, District of Columbia. During the voyage the vessel was wrecked, and a part of his household belongings were thus lost. Since then the house has passed into various hands. Fortunately the different owners venerated the old homestead and it has been carefully preserved, so that notwithstanding its many years of life, it is practically in perfect condition.


Dalton Family Heritage Set In Stone; By Liz Premo, Atlantic News Staff Writer:
Atlantic News, Friday, October 13, 2006.

ROCK-SOLID -- Lenny Dalton, Millicent Craig, Kathy Scheel, Howard Dalton, Kelvin Dalton, Arnold Dalton, Clyde Dalton, Michael Dalton, Elizabeth Aykroyd, and Roger Syphers are pictured here with Founder’s Park’s newest stone honoring the Dalton family. Kathy, Kelvin, Arnold and Clyde are direct descendents of Philomen Dalton, the brother of Rev. Timothy Dalton who originally settled in Hampton in 1638.

HAMPTON -- It is said that good things come to those who wait. For Dalton family members in New Hampshire and in various places around the globe, a time for good things to come has arrived.

But first, a little history lesson.

When a Founder’s Day tribute was established in Hampton back on October 14, 1925, a series of stones was settled into the triangular patch of land known as Meeting House Green Memorial Park (or Founder’s Park) along Park Avenue.

Upon these stones were metal plaques bearing the surnames of the founding families who first settled in this seaside community of New Hampshire back in the 1630s.

This project was a labor of love performed by Rev. Ira S. Jones. Yet among the familiar names of Tuck, Nudd, Towle, Lamprey, Dearborn, Knowles, Hobbs, Leavitt, Palmer and others appearing on these stones, one name — Dalton — was absent.

And so it has been year after year — until now. When Founder’s Day 2006 comes around this weekend, a brand new stone celebrating the Dalton name will be among those which have been already in place for 81 years.

This fresh view of the local scenery was accomplished thanks in part to the efforts of several people — and one of them just happens to have firmly-anchored Dalton roots in her family tree.

It was California resident, Millicent Craig, who discovered the Founder’s Park oversight several years ago, when she had seen a graphic of the park on the Internet.

“I couldn’t understand why there was no [Dalton] stone,” she says, explaining how she later discovered that in 1925, there were “no Daltons in town, [so] nobody requested it” when the rest of the family stones were established.

With her own personal and well-documented family connections to the Great Britain-based Dalton Genealogical Society (DGS), Craig — the secretary for the DGS American branch — made some further connections of her own with Elizabeth Aykroyd of the Hampton Historical Society and the town’s Heritage Commission.

Their corroboration paved the way for the new Founder’s Park addition. Eventual consultation with Roger Syphers of Syphers Monument Company in Hampton made it possible for the Dalton family stone to finally find its proper place amongst those of the other founding families.

The stone was officially dedicated on the afternoon of Saturday, October 7, with about 50 Dalton family members from the US, Great Britain and Australia looking on.

Since it was first formed in 1970, the DGS has grown to a worldwide society of 300 members (with about 135,000 individuals currently listed in the Dalton databank). Every year the group organizes a family gathering at alternating locations around the globe.

This year, the gathering just happened to be in the US — offering a perfect opportunity for the relatives to celebrate their heritage, their family connections, and the placement of their very own Founders Park stone.

“I wanted a stone with a lot of character,” commented Syphers at the dedication. He told of how he “looked in numerous quarries” before finding the perfect stone on the property of Bud DesRochers, a member of the Hampton Historical Society.

From there Syphers affixed the Dalton name plate to the face of the stone, which now calls the area near the northern corner of the Founder’s Park triangle its home.

“This is a Hampton stone in a Hampton park,” affirmed Aykroyd when she addressed the Dalton clan during the dedication, relating the tale of founding father, Rev. Timothy Dalton, who with his brother Philemon first arrived in Hampton (then called Winnacunnet) with the Reverend Bachiler party in 1638. It is Philomen’s line from which the Hampton Daltons are descended.

It was fitting, then, that the Dalton family stone found a home in time for this year’s annual observance of Founder’s Day. And now that the stone is firmly in place, said Syphers, “It’s going to stay forever.”

The dedication ceremony was just one of many events and activities enjoyed by visiting (and local) Dalton family members. Well-planned more than a year in advance, the gathering included plenty of socializing, meetings, lectures, and a report on the Dalton International DNA project, as well as tours of the Spenser/ Pierce/ Little House and the Coffin House in Newburyport.

While in Newburyport, the group attended a lecture at the official Dalton House on State Street, an event which was “the piece de resistance,” reported Craig. “The members were just overwhelmed” being in the same space where many of their ancestors had settled and made their living as sea captains and traders.

The bustling three-day weekend in New England was well received by the DGS delegation, according to Millicent Craig.

“Everyone had a great time,” she said. “They loved the area, they loved the sea, the scenic beauty, the old homes … it was a successful event.”

ROCK-SOLID -- Lenny Dalton, Millicent Craig, Kathy Scheel, Howard Dalton, Kelvin Dalton, Arnold Dalton, Clyde Dalton, Michael Dalton, Elizabeth Aykroyd, and Roger Syphers are pictured here with Founder’s Park’s newest stone honoring the Dalton family. Kathy, Kelvin, Arnold and Clyde are direct descendents of Philomen Dalton, the brother of Rev. Timothy Dalton who originally settled in Hampton in 1638.


Another interesting fact is that the town of Dalton NH is named after Tristram Dalton.



Dalton was originally a part of a larger area known as Chiswick, granted in 1764. Just a few years later in 1770, the town was re-granted under the name of Apthorp. After this second group of proprietors failed to meet the conditions of their charter, Apthorp was divided into two towns, and on November 4, 1784, Littleton and Dalton were established. Dalton took it's name from Tristram Dalton, who, with his partner, Nathaniel Tracy, owned the tract at the time of it's incorporation. Tristram Dalton was a respected merchant in Newburyport, Massachusetts. A Harvard graduate at the age of seventeen, Dalton was acquainted with the first four presidents of this young country. It is not known if he ever actually set foot in the town bearing his name.

A man named Moses Blake was made an offer by Dalton and Tracy to establish a road between Haverhill and Lancaster. Upon doing this, Blake was given two 160-acre lots of his choice, which he chose near the mouth of the John's River. Blake, with his wife Lucy and two small children, became Dalton's first settlers.

Over time, the land in town proved to be well-suited for raising sheep. Settlers cleared the land of trees, and built stone walls to fence in their stock as well as mark their boundaries.

Lumbering was also an enterprise that proved fruitful. Several mills, from lumber, to brick, to grist mills were established. Families came and went, and some came to stay, seemingly, forever. There are still descendants living here today, whose ancestors worked the land two hundred years ago.

Dalton today is mostly forested, the trees having reclaimed their place where our early settlers cut them down. With each generation, the fields and brush takes over and nature takes it's course.


Misc. Dalton photos

The Dalton House on 95 State St.

Hall and Stairs in Dalton House, 1720.Mantel in Dalton House, 1720.

Georgian, Listed on the National Register of Historic Places. Built in 1792 by Michael Dalton, it was once home to his son Tristram Dalton, the first U.S. Senator from Massachusetts. George Washington dined here with the Dalton family on his visit to Newburyport in 1789.

In 1746 Michael Dalton purchased this estate and, while there were included therein a "house and houslins," it is believed that the dwelling now standing was subsequently erected by him. This house is noted for the great number of its distinguished guests. George Washington and John Quincy Adams have both been entertained in it and many other famous men were frequent visitors.

During the residence here of Tristram Dalton, member of the first United States Senate, he also owned, as a country seat, the farm of several hundred acres on Pipe Stave Hill, now the property of William S. Rogers.


The Dalton house has been owned by the following people:
Michael Dalton until 1764

Tristram Dalton, son of Michael 1764-1791

Moses Brown, his son-in-law, Wm. B. Banister, and other heirs 1791-1880

Frank A. Hale 1880-1887

Charles H. Coffin 1887-1889

E. P. Shaw 1889

Timothy Remick 1889-1897

The Dalton Club 1897-present time.

An actual picture of Dalton, New Hampshire


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Watertown, Massachusetts sign